Constructions with a light verb and an infinitive are common in German. Most familiar to German speakers are infinitives used in combination with modal verbs like müssen or wollen [@next a], see [@sec:infinitive-modals]. More intriguingly, infinitives can be used with sein to express the rationale for the absence of the subject [@next b], see [@sec:infinitive-sein-absentive]. Less widely discussed is a construction of haben with an infinitive and an adverbial to express the fortunate circumstances in which the nominative subject finds itself [@next c], see [@sec:infinitive-haben-adverbial].
::: ex
- Die Schülerin muss/darf/will/kann die Pflanzen gießen.
- Die Schülerin ist die Pflanzen gießen.
- Die Schülerin hat gut reden. :::
All these examples mentioned above are constructions that do not show any role-remapping, i.e. they exhibit epithesis. In contrast, there are also various light verbs that induce a diathesis when used together with an infinitive. For example, lassen induces a causative/permissive diathesis [@next a], see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative]. Likewise widely acknowledged are verbs of perception like sehen that give rise to an experiencer construction [@next b], see [@sec:infinitive-sehen]. Less widely discussed is the diathesis of haben with an infinitive of a position verb, expressing that the nominative subject is some kind of agent/experiencer mixture [@next c], see [@sec:infinitive-haben].
::: ex
- Die Lehrerin lässt den Schüler ihre Pflanzen gießen.
- Die Lehrerin sieht den Direktor ihre Pflanzen gießen.
- Die Lehrerin hat ihre Pflanzen auf der Fensterbank stehen. :::
Following Bech [-@bech1955] such constructions are often designated as Erster Status in the German grammatical literature. However, this name is not very transparent nor particularly mnemonic, so I prefer to use the more descriptive designation "light-verb+infinitive" construction, often simply abbreviated to infinitive construction.
There are twelve frequently occurring diatheses that use a light-verb+infinitive construction and for which I propose a German name, as listed below. Note that the lassen+Infinitiv construction occurs in many different guises. A discussion comparing and distinguishing them can be found in [@sec:infinitive-guises-of-lassen].
(SBJ › Ø)lassenMöglichkeitsbewertung(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive])(SBJ › Ø)seinZustandsbewertung(see [@sec:infinitive-sein-adverbial])(SBJ › ADJ)heißenAufforderungsdesubjektiv(see [@sec:infinitive-heißen-demotion])(OBJ › SBJ › ADJ)lassenPermissivpassiv(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive])(OBJ › SBJ › PBJ)lassenPermissivkonversiv(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-conversive])(OBJ › SBJ › OBJ)lassenPermissivinversiv(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive])(OBJ › SBJ › OBJ)habenOrtspertinenzinversiv(see [@sec:infinitive-haben])(Ø › SBJ › ADJ)lassenPassivkausativ(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative])(Ø › SBJ › OBJ)lassenPermissivkausativ(see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative])(Ø › SBJ › OBJ)schickenDirektivkausativ(see [@sec:infinitive-schicken])(Ø › SBJ › OBJ)machenAufforderungskausativ(see [@sec:infinitive-machen])(Ø › SBJ › OBJ)sehen/hören/fühlen/spürenPerzeptiv(see [@sec:infinitive-sehen] ff.)
The German Infinitiv [cf. @duden2009: 443] is straightforwardly identified as a wordform ending in ‑en [@next a] with an allomorph ‑n after stems ending in ‑el/er [@next b]. This infinitive is used as the citation form of a verb in German, for example occurring as the index entry in dictionaries. Note that there is widespread syncretism between the infinitive and the finite 1st and 3rd person plural of most verbs. For example, the wordform werden in [@next c] is a finite 1st person plural, while laufen is an infinitive. This can be ascertained by changing the subject to the singular [@next d], which shows the different agreement of the finite form werde, while the infinitive laufen does not change.
::: ex
- lauf-en, versteh-en, werd-en
- sammel-n, bedauer-n, änder-n
- Wir werden laufen.
- Ich werde laufen. :::
Functionally, the Infinitiv is a nominal form of the verb. Consequently, it regularly occurs preceded by a determiner. In such usage, German orthography urges for the capitalisation of the infinitive, e.g. das Laufen 'the running' [@next a]. This nominal nature of the infinitive contrasts nicely to the adjectival nature of the participle, e.g. gelaufene [@next b], as discussed in the previous chapter (see especially [@sec:participles-adjectives-light-verb-constructions]).
::: ex
- Das Laufen fällt mir schwer.
- Die selten gelaufene Distanz fällt mir schwer. :::
Given the nominal nature of the infinitive, there is a close connection between light-verb+infinitive constructions and nominal predication, i.e. constructions of a light verb with a bare noun. Nominal predication in German is typically constructed with the light verbs werden, sein or bleiben [@duden2009: 812--813]. The parallel between infinitives and nouns is obvious with the future meaning of werden [@next a], see [@sec:infinitive-werden-modal], and the continuative meaning of bleiben [@next b], see [@sec:infinitive-bleiben]. However, as illustrated in [@next c], the meaning of sein+noun ("identification") is quite different from sein+infinitive ("absentive"), see [@sec:infinitive-sein-absentive].
::: ex
- Ich werde Vater.
Ich werde wenig schlafen. - Ich bleibe Vater.
Ich bleibe lieber sitzen. - Ich bin Vater.
Ich bin dann mal einkaufen. :::
Modal verbs (see [@sec:infinitive-modals]) are normally not used for nominal predication. However, in recent political framing the nominal predication Kanzler können 'to know how to be a chancellor' has become famous [@next a], even leading to other modal verbs being used in the same construction, like dürfen [@next b]. Kubczak [-@kubczak2016] investigates the parallels between such usage of modal verbs and nominal constructions of ability [@next c].
::: ex
- Kurt Beck, der kann Kanzler.^[Nürnberger Nachrichten, 30.04.2007: 3, cited from Kubczak [-@kubczak2016: 128].]
- Rosier darf Kanzler!^[Süddeutsche Zeitung, 03.08.2011, cited from Kubczak [-@kubczak2016: 129].]
- Er kann den Dialekt dieser Gegend. :::
{#par:heißen-nominal} A further kind of nominal predication uses the verb heißen 'to be called' [@duden2009: 813], indicating that the subject has a particular name [@next a]. Instead of a noun it is also possible to use infinitives, either without zu [@next b] or with zu [@next c]. Both these constructions indicate equation, and it is unclear whether there is any difference between the equations with or without zu. Interestingly, both the subject and the predicate in such sentences need to be infinitives (and both either with or without zu). Note that the light verb heißen can also be used in a (somewhat old-fashioned) causative construction [@next d], which seems to be completely separate from the equational usage (see [@sec:infinitive-heißen]).
::: ex
- Dieses Sternbild heißt Großer Bär.^[@duden2009: 813]
- Die Symbole abschaffen heißt die Freimaurerei abschaffen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 20.11.2017, Nr. 47.]
Von den Erwachsenen lernen, heißt Reife beweisen.^[In: Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache: Wörterbuch zur Verbvalenz. Grammatisches Informationssystem grammis. https://grammis.ids-mannheim.de/verbs/view/400556/1, accessed 27 September 2021.] - Diese Wahrheit zu akzeptieren, hieße zu resignieren.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 25.07.2005.]
Eine Katze zu haben, heißt, sich um ein Lebewesen kümmern zu müssen.^[@duden2009: 813] - Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien. :::
Structurally similar to nominal predication, possession can be indicated by using the verb haben with a noun phrase. In this construction the possessed nouns typically need a determiner [@next a]. With mental states like Schmerzen 'pain' or Geduld 'patience' it is possible to use the same haben construction with bare nouns [@next b]. Compare that possessive use of haben to the two different constructions using haben with an infinitive. The Ortspertinenzinversiv construction [@next c] still includes a sense of possession, see [@sec:infinitive-haben]. The subject of this construction (here Sportler 'sportsman') is necessarily the possessor of the object in the prepositional phrase (here Nase 'nose'). In contrast, the Fortunativ construction [@next d] has no relation to possession at all, see [@sec:infinitive-haben-adverbial] .
::: ex
- Ich habe eine Tasse.
- Ich habe Geduld/Schmerzen.
- Der Sportler hat einen Tropfen an seiner Nase hängen.
- Er hat leicht reden. :::
Given the immense influence of Latin grammar on grammatical theory, it is no surprise that the classical Latin concept of an accusativus cum infinitivo (ACI) is often used to describe a similar phenomenon in German. The term ACI describes a sentence structure that is the result of a clause alternation in which an originally nominative subject ends up as an accusative, while the verb is expressed as an infinitive.
This ACI is very widespread in Latin, but in German it is only attested with a few light-verb+infinitive diatheses that add a new subject (see [@sec:infinitive-promotion-to-subject]), namely causative light verbs like schicken 'to send' [@next a] and perception light verbs like sehen 'to see' [@next b]. As a cover term for all diatheses adding a new subject I have proposed the term novative (see [@sec:intro-subject-promotions]). So, in the terminology as used in this book, an ACI sentence structure is the result of a novative diathesis expressed with a light-verb+infinitive voice.
::: ex
- Er kauft den Tisch.
Sie schickt ihn den Tisch kaufen. - Der Mann putzt den Tisch.
Sie sieht den Mann den Tisch putzen. :::
Such diatheses regularly result in sentences with two separate noun phrases in the accusative, namely when an accusative argument was already present before the diathesis. Such double accusatives are highly unusual in German outside of these constructions (see [@sec:case-double-accusative]).
Although the surface structure of all these constructions in German is clearly monoclausal, underlyingly there might be differences [see @harbert1977 for a discussion]. For example, light verbs like schicken only allow for a monoclausal infinitive construction [@next a,b], while light verbs like sehen additionally allow for a biclausal dass alternative [@next c,d] .
::: ex
- Sie schickt ihn den Tisch kaufen.
- ^* Sie schickt, dass er einen Tisch kauft.
- Sie sieht ihn den Tisch kaufen.
- Sie sieht, dass er den Tisch kaufen. :::
Speyer [-@speyer2018a] discusses the history of ACI constructions in German, arguing that they are originally Germanic (and possibly even proto-Indo-European) and not calques from Latin.
The Ersatzinfinitiv is a special syntactic phenomenon attested in West-Germanic languages [@schmid2005; @schallert2014]. It concerns the participle of some of the light verbs that are used with infinitives, like können, sehen or lassen. For example, the verb sehen has a regular perfect with haben and a participle gesehen [@next a]. However, when sehen is used as a light verb with an infinitive, then the perfect can alternatively consists of haben with an infinitive sehen [@next b]. Because the infinitive is used instead of the expected participle, this phenomenon is known as an Ersatzinfinitiv or "infinitive instead of a participle" (Lat. infinitivus pro participium, IPP). Diachronically this is a relatively recent development, probably starting in the 14th/15th century [@jager2018; see also @coupe2015: Ch. 7 for a detailed diachronic study of IPP in Dutch].
::: ex
- Sie sieht, dass er den Tisch putzt.
Sie hat gesehen, dass er den Tisch putzt. - Sie sieht ihn den Tisch putzen.
Sie hat ihn den Tisch putzen gesehen.
Sie hat ihn den Tisch putzen sehen. :::
Based on data from various West-Germanic languages and dialects, Schmid [-@schmid2005: 32--33, 106] proposes a hierarchy of verb types that show this phenomenon [@next]. German fits nicely in this hierarchy (almost by definition, because German was used to propose the hierarchy in the first place). The German verbs inducing an IPP are causative lassen, modals dürfen/können/mögen/müssen/sollen/wollen and also brauchen, perception verbs hören, sehen and benefactive helfen. Note that this hierarchy is closely related to the typological complement deranking hierarchy [@cristofaro2003: 125], see [@nnext]. The hierarchy by Schmid should be interpreted rather loosely [see @schallert2014: 251-252, 286 for criticism] and might very well be completely compatible with Cristofaro's proposal.
::: ex
Implicational scale of IPP Ersatzinfinitiv verbs [@schmid2005: 106]
causatives < modals < perception verbs < benefactives < duratives < inchoatives < control verbs :::
::: ex Complement Deranking Hierarchy [@cristofaro2003: 125]
modals < desideratives/manipulatives < perception verbs < knowledge/utterance verbs :::
First, the designation "causative" on Schmid's hierarchy is a misnomer. The verb lassen also induces the IPP in its other uses, viz. possibility and permission (see the next [@sec:infinitive-guises-of-lassen]). Conversely, other causative constructions do not induce an IPP, namely those with schicken (see [@sec:infinitive-schicken]) and machen (see [@sec:infinitive-machen]). Likewise, while the perception verbs hören and sehen allow for an IPP, the syntactically similar perception verbs fühlen and spüren do not (see [@sec:infinitive-sehen] ff.).
Further, the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv is not obligatory for benefactive helfen and neither for the perception verbs sehen and hören, but it is obligatory for modal verbs. This would actually nicely correspond to a connected region on the hierarchy, were it not for the verb lassen, which also allows for both infinitive and participle [@next]. However, according to Enzinger [-@enzinger2012: 34] the construction with the participle gelassen only allows for a permissive reading [@next b]. If this is confirmed, then the hierarchy could be extended by adding "permissives" close to "benefactives" to again obtain a connected region on the hierarchy for optional IPP.
::: ex
a. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen lassen.
(causative = Sie verursacht, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
(permissive = Sie erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
b. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen gelassen.
(only permissive = Sie hat erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
:::
It has been widely observed that there is a large variety of uses of the lassen+Infinitiv construction in German [e.g. @eisenberg2006a: 369--371; @kotulkova2010a; @pitteroff2014]. In this chapter I will distinguish six different diatheses that all use the lassen+Infinitiv construction, as summarised in [@tbl:lassen]. These six constructions are clearly diachronically related, and also synchronically they are very similar. However, they cannot be reduced to a single (abstract) construction with transparent and productive derivations leading to these six different diatheses as distinguished here. I will succinctly summarise these different options here. For a detailed discussion, see the sections as indicated in the table. Note that there is an additional usage of lassen with a participle that is discussed in [@sec:participles-lassen-durative].
| Section | Mapping | German Name | Reflexive | Interpretation |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive] | Möglichkeitsbewertung | yes | possibility | |
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive] | Permissivpassiv | yes | possibility/permission | |
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-conversive] | Permissivkonversiv | yes | permission | |
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive] | Permissivinversiv | yes | permission | |
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative] | Permissivkausativ | no | causation/permission | |
| [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative] | Passivkausativ | no | causation |
Table: Different diatheses with a lassen+Infinitiv construction {#tbl:lassen}
The six diatheses can be divided into two major groups depending on the use of the reflexive pronoun. The first four diatheses in [@tbl:lassen] (with interpretation permission/possibility) obligatorily have a reflexive pronoun. The last two variants (with interpretation causation/permission) do not have a reflexive pronoun, although they can optionally have one. Basically, when the reflexive pronoun can be removed by a paraphrase, then the construction is of the latter causation/permission type. Note that the possibility of removal is often context-dependent, because exactly the same sentence can have differing structures (and correspondingly differing interpretations) depending on the context in which it occurs.
Quickly summarised, there are three possibilities of removable reflexive pronouns. First, the reflexive can be a possessor dative, like mir in [@next a]. In such sentences, the participant to which the reflexive pronoun refers is necessarily the possessor of another role, here of the accusative Haare 'hair'. This can be easily tested as the reflexive pronoun can be paraphrased as a possessive pronoun meine (cf. [@sec:case-possessor-accusative-to-dative]). Second, the reflexive can be a beneficiary dative [@next b], which can easily be tested because the reflexive pronoun can be paraphrased by a für phrase (cf. [@sec:prepositions-benefactive-dative])
::: ex
- Ich lasse mir die Haare schneiden.
Ich lasse meine Haare schneiden. - Ich lasse mir eine Suppe kochen.
Ich lasse für mich eine Suppe kochen. :::
Third, a reflexive pronoun, like sich in [@next a], can have self-inflicting reflexive reference replacing a noun phrase. To test for this option, it should be possible to replace the reflexive pronoun by another participant, like seine Katze 'his cats' [@next b]. Further tests for such self-inflicting reflexive reference are illustrated in [@next c], viz. the possibility of (i) negation of the reflexive (nicht sich) and (ii) syntactic emphasis of the reflexive (nur sich selbst), see also Chapter [-@sec:reflexive], especially [@par:reflexive-test].
::: ex
- Der König lässt sich durch die Stadt tragen.
- Der König lässt seine Katze durch die Stadt tragen.
- Der König lässt nicht sich, sondern seine Katze durch die Stadt tragen.
Der König lässt nur sich selbst durch die Stadt tragen. :::
Returning to the classification of the lassen constructions in [@tbl:lassen], the last two diatheses (i.e. those without obligatory reflexive pronouns and with causation/permission interpretation) are both promotions. They are novative diatheses that introduce a completely new role into the sentence as a nominative subject. In contrast, the first four diatheses in [@tbl:lassen] (i.e. those with obligatory reflexive pronouns and permission/possibility interpretation) are all demotions. They are closely related, but can be differentiated by their specific remapping of roles.
So, there are the two closely related lassen+Infinitiv diatheses with promotion, which will be called Permissivkausativ and Passivkausativ. Although both are similar, there are various differences between these two causative diatheses. First, the erstwhile nominative is demoted to an accusative in the Permissivkausativ [@next], while it is demoted to an optional von prepositional phrase in the Passivkausativ [@nnext]. Second, there are various verbs that allow for a Permissivkausativ but not for a Passivkausativ. For examples, the verb antworten 'to answer' [@nnext c,d] is not compatible with a Passivkausativ. Finally, the Permissivkausativ can both have a causative [@next a] and a permissive [@next b] reading, while the Passivkausativ cannot have a permissive interpretation, only the causative interpretation is possible [@nnext b].
::: ex
Permissivkausativ
a. Die Schüler schreiben einen Test.
Der Lehrer lässt die Schüler einen Test schreiben.
(= Der Lehrer sorgt dafür, dass die Schüler einen Test schreiben.)
b. Die Schüler gehen nach Hause.
Der Lehrer lässt die Schüler nach Hause gehen.
(= Der Lehrer erlaubt, dass die Schüler nach Hause gehen.)
:::
::: ex
Passivkausativ
a. Der Schüler putzt den Tisch.
b. Der Lehrer lässt den Tisch (von dem Schüler) putzen.
(= Der Lehrer verursacht, dass der Tisch geputzt wird.)
(≠ Der Lehrer erlaubt, dass der Tische geputzt wird.)
c. Der Lehrer antwortet dem Schüler.
d. ^* Der Vater lässt dem Schüler von dem Lehrer antworten.
:::
Next are the four closely related lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv diatheses with demotion. First, the Permissivpassiv is attested with transitive verbs, like besteigen 'to climb' [@next a] or kämmen 'to comb' [@next b]. The accusative (den Berg, seine Kinder) is promoted to nominative subject and the erstwhile subject (die Besucher, der Vater) is demoted to an optional von prepositional phrase. A reflexive pronoun is obligatory present and cannot be replaced, negated nor focussed. When the new nominative subject is inanimate, the diathesis has an epistemic meaning expressing the possibility of the action, viz. 'it is possible' [@next a]. In contrast, when the new subject is animate, then typically a permissive interpretation 'it is allowed' is preferred [@next b], though a possibility-reading is also viable.
::: ex
Permissivpassiv
a. Die Besucher besteigt den Berg.
Der Berg lässt sich (von Besuchern) besteigen.
(= Es ist möglich, den Berg zu besteigen.)
b. Der Vater kämmt seine Kinder.
Die Kinder lassen sich (vom Vater) kämmen.
(= Sie erlauben, dass sie gekämmt werden.)
:::
Second, the Permissivkonversiv is attested with verbs that describe the evocation of a state-of-mind, like empören 'fill with outrage' [@next a] or belustigen 'to amuse' [@next b]. The animate accusative is promoted to nominative (with an obligatory reflexive pronoun) and the original subject is demoted to a governed von prepositional phrase. The governed status of this phrase can be shown by the possible davon, dass paraphrase [@next c]. Some of these verbs, like empören [@next a] prefer a negation in this diathesis. Other, like belustigen [@next b] prefer not to have a negation.
::: ex
Permissivkonversiv
a. Dieser Witz empört mich.
Ich lasse mich nicht von diesem Witz empören.
b. Die Burschen belustigen mich.
Man […] läßt sich von den Burschen belustigen.^[DWDS: Kisch, Egon Erwin: Der rasende Reporter, Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 1925, S. 7.]
c. Ich lasse mich davon belustigen, dass die Burschen singen.
:::
Third, the Permissivinversiv occurs with verbs that take a nominative and a dative argument. It typically applies to verbs with which the dative is animate, like gefallen 'to like' [@next]. This dative is promoted to nominative subject (with an obligatory dative reflexive pronoun) and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to accusative. Just like with the previous Permissivkonversiv, this diathesis also has verbs that prefer a negation, like gefallen 'to like' [@next a] and verbs that do not, like schmecken 'to taste' [@next b].
::: ex
Permissivinversiv
a. Dein Ton gefällt mir nicht.
Ich lasse mir deinen Ton nicht gefallen.
b. Das Bärenfleisch schmeckt ihm.
Er lässt sich das Bärenfleisch schmecken.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 22.11.1985, Nr. 48.]
:::
Finally, with agentive intransitive verbs like wandern 'to hike' [@nnext a], the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv construction leads to a special diathesis, called Möglichkeitsbewertung here. The nominative subject is removed and an evaluative adverbial is necessary, like gut 'well' [@next a]. Although the nominative is removed, this construction often occurs without a valency-simulating pronoun es. Verbs with a governed preposition, like warten auf 'to wait for' [@nnext b] are slightly different because when the governed preposition is retained, then (i) the valency simulating es is impossible and (ii) no evaluative adverbial is necessary (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive-governed]).
::: ex
Möglichkeitsbewertung
a. Die Familie wandert im Wald.
Im Wald lässt (es) sich gut wandern.
b. Der Kunde wartet auf ein Tattoo.
Auf ein Tattoo lässt sich warten.^[Attested online at https://www.t-online.de/nachrichten/deutschland/id_89453948/corona-lockerungen-die-haeme-ueber-die-friseuroeffnungen-ist-entlarvend-.html, accessed 15 September 2021.]
:::
There do not appear to be any infinitives that do not also occur as a finite verb. A possible phenomenon to investigate further in this context are noun+verb compounds that do not have finite forms, like bauchreden, bausparen, ehebrechen or wettlaufen. Although the second part of these compounds are verbs that clearly can be finite (reden, sparen, brechen, laufen), the whole compound cannot be used as a finite verb. However, the question is, whether these lexemes should be classified as verbs in the first place. They only occur as an infinitive, so they are more like nouns. However, they can occur in light-verb+infinitive constructions as discussed in this chapter.
The Absentive is a construction that expresses that the subject participant is currently not present because of an activity that is being pursued. The grammatical concept was originally proposed by de Groot [-@groot2000]. For German, this phenomenon is widely discussed in the literature [cf. @vogel2007: 269ff.; @abraham2008; @konig2009].
For example, an activity like schwimmen 'to swim' can be used in the infinitive with the light verb sein to indicate absence because of the swimming [@next a]. This construction is typically used with intransitive verbs, though there does not seem to be a strict prohibition of more complex activities with more arguments [@next b]. This construction does not induce an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
- Ich schwimme.
Ich bin schwimmen. - Ich bringe dem Nachbarn den Teller zurück.
Ich bin nur mal kurz dem Nachbarn den Teller zurückbringen. - Ich bin dem Nachbarn den Teller zurückbringen gewesen. (*sein) :::
The absentive can only be used with verbs that clearly include agency, so typical patientive verbs like einschlafen 'to fall asleep' do not allow for this construction (cf. [@sec:participles-sein-perfect]). In contrast, a verb like schlafen 'to sleep' does allow for an absentive construction, though it needs a suitable context [@next b]. However, not all verbs with a haben perfect (often analysed as "agentive", see [@sec:participles-haben-perfect]) allow for an absentive, for example sitzen 'to sit' does not allow for it [@next c].
::: ex
- ^* Ich bin einschlafen.
- Ich bin dann mal schlafen!
- ^* Ich bin auf den Stuhl sitzen. :::
- Agentive verbs: arbeiten, bringen, laufen, rennen, schlafen, schwimmen, zurückbringen
- Not possible with non-agentive verbs: abkühlen, ankommen, aufstehen, bluten, einschlafen, fallen, husten, niesen, scheitern, stürzen, verrosten, wachsen, weinen
Parallel to the sein+Infinitiv absentive, the light verbs gehen 'to go' and fahren 'to drive' can also be used to indicate (intended) absence because of an activity [@next a]. In accordance to their lexical meaning, these two light verbs place a focus on the movement away, leading to the absence. I propose the term abitive (from Lat. abire 'to depart, to go away') for this construction. This term explicitly evokes a relation to the ablative, which is a nominal category that expresses a motion away from something. The verbal abitive construction does not induce an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
- Er besucht seinen Freund.
Er geht/fährt seinen Freund besuchen. - ^* Er geht einschlafen.
- Er ist seinen Freund besuchen gegangen/gefahren. (*gehen/fahren) :::
Probably exactly the same verbs as can be used with sein+Infinitiv absentive can also be used with gehen/fahren+Infinitiv, so they will not be repeated here (see [@sec:infinitive-sein-absentive]).
Contrasting to the gehen/fahren+Infinitiv abitive there is also a kommen+Infinitiv construction to express a movement towards a location where an activity takes place [@next a]. I propose the term aditive (from Lat. adire 'to approach') for this verbal category. The parallel nominal case is called allative, which also includes the prefix ad-, though with internal sandhi. This verbal aditive construction does not induce an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next b].
::: ex
- Er kommt hier immer die Zeitung lesen.
- Er ist hier immer die Zeitung lesen gekommen. (*kommen) :::
- probably exactly the same verbs as can be used with sein+Infinitiv absentive can also be used with kommen+Infinitiv (see [@sec:infinitive-sein-absentive]).
The construction bleiben+Infinitiv [cf. @eisenberg2006a: 351; @engel1996: 476] is typically used with position verbs like sitzen 'to sit' or liegen 'to lie' [@next a]. This construction with bleiben indicates that the position is being maintained. Transitive verbs also appear to be possible, but examples are difficult to find [@next b], see also further examples below. Note that the combination of bleiben with an infinitive of a position verb is often considered to be a single word in German orthography [@next c]. This construction does not induce an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
- Nora bleibt morgens immer ewig liegen.^[@schlucker2007: 142]
- ^^?^ Er bleibt ihr Briefe schicken.
- Nora ist morgens immer liegengeblieben. (*liegenbleiben) :::
- Single words from the
DWDSdictionary: stehenbleiben, klebenkleiben, hängenbleiben, liegenbleiben, sitzenbleiben, steckenbleiben - Other stative verbs: bestehen, erhalten, haften, hocken, wohnen
- Other verbs: laufen, leben, schicken, vergessen
- Drehe ich den Regler wieder nach rechts um Warmwasser zu fragen geht der Brenner wieder an und bleibt laufen obwohl kein Warmwasser gezapft wird.^[Attested online at https://www.haustechnikdialog.de/Forum/t/242166/Viessmann-Vitopend-100-bleibt-laufen, accessed 24 September 2021.]
- Und wenn jemanden eine Schlange biss, so sah er die eherne Schlange an und blieb leben.^[Lutherbibel 1984: 4.Mose 21:9]
- Die TPP-Grundzüge bleiben erhalten.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 28.11.2017 (online).] - Seine künstlerischen Leistungen bleiben bestehen, auch wenn man sie nun in anderem Licht betrachtet.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 07.11.2017 (online).] - Immer mehr bleiben hocken, wenn eine neue Übung beginnt.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 25.01.1996.]
The construction haben+Infinitiv describes a situation in which the subject is in a fortunate situation to do something, so I propose to call this construction fortunative (from Lat. fortunatus 'blessed, lucky'). This construction obligatorily needs an adverb, most frequently leicht 'easy' [@next a] or gut 'well' [@next b]. Only incidentally other adverbs are attested, like klug 'clever' [@next c]. The main verb seems to be restricted to intransitives, most frequent are reden 'to talk' and lachen 'to laugh'. Utterance verbs appear to be particularly common in this construction. The only examples with transitive verbs involve incorporated-like objects, which makes such constructions arguably intransitive [@next d].
This construction with haben is closely related to similar constructions with an obligatory adverbial evaluation, like with the light verbs sein (see [@sec:infinitive-sein-adverbial]]) and lassen (see [@sec:summary-unpersonlicher-moglichkeitspassiv]). A major difference is that haben only occurs with positive adverbials, while sein and lassen also allow the negative counterparts.
::: ex
- Er hat leicht reden.
Nike hatte leicht protzen.^[DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 13.07.1998.] - Er hat gut lachen.
Der Kanzler hat gut schimpfen.^[DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 14.12.2002.] - Du hast klug reden.^[
DWDS: Neutsch, Erik: Spur der Steine, Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verl. 1964 S.7.] - Wer im Rohr sitzt, hat gut Pfeifen schneiden.^[
DWDS: Wander, Karl Friedrich Wilhelm (Hrsg.): Deutsches Sprichwörter-Lexikon. Bd. 3. Leipzig, 1873.] :::
- Jungen haben leicht sagen: "Mädchen sind doof."^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 20.10.1978, Nr. 43.] - Wer behauptet, es laufe in der Geschichte alles auf das gleiche hinaus, und als Beweis dafür Szenen liefert, die immer auf das gleiche hinauslaufen, der hat leicht beweisen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 28.04.1972, Nr. 17.] - Ach, Roswitha, der Geheimrat hat leicht verbieten, und Du hast es auch leicht, all' das nachzusprechen.^[
DWDS: Fontane, Theodor: Effi Briest. Berlin, 1896.] - Der Herr Baron hat leicht trösten; ich bin und bleib' unglücklich, wenn ich meinen Casperl nimmer sieh.^[
DWDS: Pocci, Franz von: Lustiges Komödienbüchlein. Bd. 4. München, 1871.] - Wer aber geliebt ist, hat leicht regieren.^[
DWDS: Eckermann, Johann Peter: Gespräche mit Goethe in den letzten Jahren seines Lebens. Bd. 3. Leipzig, 1848.]
The tun+Infinitiv construction [@schwarz2004] is considered substandard and frowned upon in written German [@next a]. However, it is widespread in German dialects and also frequent in the spoken standard language [@erb2001: Ch. 5]. The acceptability is strongly improved for many German speakers with fronting of the infinitive [@next b], putting focus on the verb meaning and losing any aspectual implication [@schwarz2004: 15--18]. This second usage is more akin to English do-support than to a progressive aspect.
::: ex
- ^^?^ Ich tu dir das Buch schenken.
- Schenken tu ich dir das Buch. :::
- Utterance verbs: protzen, reden, sagen, schimpfen, trösten, verbieten
- Others: beweisen, lachen, regieren
The traditional modal verbs dürfen/können/mögen/müssen/sollen/wollen and the modal-like light verbs werden and brauchen are frequently used in constructions with infinitives. There do not seem to be any restrictions on which verbs can occur as infinitives in such constructions. This is noteworthy because all other constructions as discussed in this book have restrictions on the verbs that can be used with them (cf. [@sec:intro-domain-of-application]).
The modal verbs dürfen/können/mögen/möchten/müssen/sollen/wollen are extensively discussed in the German grammatical literature and will therefore not discussed in any detail here [e.g. see @duden2009: 556ff.]. Additionally, note the possibility to use müssen and sollen with evidential meanings [@mortelmans2022]. These modal verbs induce an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next].
::: ex
- Er will das Haus bauen.
- Er hat das Haus bauen wollen (*gewollt). :::
An interesting supplementary effect that these modal verbs have on diathesis [first observed by @leirbukt2000] concerns the interpretation of the haben+Partizip construction. This haben+Partizip construction has two different interpretations [@next a], either Perfekt (see [@sec:participles-no-diathesis]) or Pertinenzpassiv (see [@sec:participles-haben-passive]). In most uses, the Perfekt interpretation is the preferred reading. However, with an additional modal light verb the Pertinenzpassiv interpretation is strongly preferred [@next b].
::: ex
- Er hat sein Auto repariert.
(Perfekt = Er reparierte sein Auto selbst.)
(Pertinenzpassiv = Irgendjemand hat das Auto für ihn repariert.) - Er will sein Auto repariert haben.
(Pertinenzpassiv = Er will, dass irgendjemand das Auto für ihn repariert.) :::
The light verb brauchen 'to need' is typically used with a zu‑Infinitiv together with a negation or a modal particle like nur or bloß [@next a], see [@sec:zuinfinitive-brauchen]. However, it also occurs (with the same negative polarity) without the particle zu [@next b]. Without zu it seems to be more typically used in sentences without objects. Whether there is any semantic difference between the usage with or without zu needs more in-depth investigation. When it is used without zu it seems only logical to include brauchen in the set of modal verbs [cf. @duden2009: 556]. The light verb brauchen is also similar to the modal verbs in that it induces an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
- Du brauchst nur noch zu unterschreiben.
- Du brauchst nur noch unterschreiben.
- Du hättest doch nur noch unterschreiben brauchen! :::
The light verb werden is traditionally classified as a temporal auxiliary used for future reference, but it is actually only very rarely used as a marker of temporal future. The Präsens is mostly used with future time reference in German [@next a]. It is probably better to consider the werden+Infinitiv construction together with the other modal verbs because its usage typically includes a modal implicature of an expectation/presumption (on behalf of the speaker) that the event will take place [@next b]. There is a long discussion about the merits of this classification of werden as a modal verb in the German grammatical tradition [e.g. @fabriciushansen1986: 141ff.], even with suggestions of evidential usage [@diewald2010: 170]. Crucially, the werden+Infinitiv can also be used with past-time reference like damals [@next c].
::: ex
- Der Feind greift morgen vielleicht an.
- Der Feind wird morgen vielleicht angreifen.
- Seine Mutter wird sich damals gefreut haben.^[@duden2009: 211] :::
It is undecidable whether the werden+Infinitiv construction induces an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv or not, because constructions that would trigger such an IPP do not exist. A werden+Infinitiv [@next a] is incompatible with a stacked participle construction, like a sein perfect [@next b], a werden passive [@next c], or a gehören passive [@next d].
::: ex
- Die Biene wird mich stechen.
(= werden+Infinitiv) - ^* Die Biene ist mich stechen geworden/werden.
(= stack of werden+Infinitiv +> sein+Partizip Perfekt) - ^* Ich werde (von der Biene) stechen geworden/werden.
(= stack of werden+Infinitiv +> werden+Partizip Vorgangspassiv)^[Note that the reversed stack is perfectly possible, viz. Ich werde (von der Biene) gestochen werden, which is a stack of werden+Partizip Vorgangspassiv +> werden+Infinitiv Futur. However, this stack does not help decide whether anIPPoccurs with the werden future.] - ^* Ich gehöre stechen geworden/werden.
(= stack of werden+Infinitiv +> gehören+Partizip Normpassiv) :::
The construction lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv is attested in many different variants, for a summary see [@sec:infinitive-guises-of-lassen]. There is a special situation in which this construction can be used with intransitive verbs without diathesis. This is a highly restricted usage that only occurs with intransitive verbs that describe both (i) an action that can be performed by an agent and (ii) an event that occurs by natural force, like fallen 'to fall' [@next].
::: ex
- Er fällt.
- Er lässt sich fallen. :::
This construction [@next] is completely transparent as a stack of a lassen causative ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative]) and a self-inflicting reflexive ([@sec:reflexive-self-inflicting-accusative]). So, this epithesis is not an alternation in its own right and thus does not deserve to have its own section in this book. Notwithstanding, I have added this section to document the very small and semantically interesting class of intransitive verbs that allow for this stack.
::: ex
Er fällt.
+> Permissivkausativ = Ich lasse ihn fallen.
+> Selbstbezogenes Reflexiv = Er lässt sich fallen.
:::
- absacken, fallen, gehen, gleiten, hineinplumpsen, hinfallen, hinunterfallen, hinunterrutschen, sinken, schweben, treiben, zurückfallen
- Man stößt sich ab und lässt sich gleiten.^[
DWDS: Der Tagesspiegel, 14.06.2002.] - Wer zur Düsternis neigt, lässt sich sinken.^[Attested online at https://www.welt.de/print/welt_kompakt/print_literatur/article174151886/Der-Stoff-der-wilden-Jahre.html, accessed 28 September 2022.]
- Juventus ließ sich zurückfallen, Gladbach übernahm wieder das Kommando im Mittelfeld.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 03.11.2015 (online).] - Frei wie ein Vogel schwinge ich mich auf in die Höhen und lasse mich schweben.^[Attested online at https://www.katrinelihn.de/2016/die-kraft-der-alpen/, accessed 28 September 2022.]
- Es war klein, sie musste sich rückwärts hineinquetschen, ihre Füße landeten auf einer Schräge, sie ließ sich hinunterrutschen.^[
DWDS: Pressler, Mirjam: Malka Mai, Weinheim Basel: Beltz & Gelberg 2001, S. 167.] - Gegen 14 Uhr läuft er in voller Montur mit Sauerstoff-Flasche und Neoprenanzug auf das große Wasserbassin zu und lässt sich hineinplumpsen.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 26.10.1999.] - Ich stelle mich neben sie an die Wand, lasse mich absacken, sitze auf dem Boden.^[
DWDS: Bach, Tamara: Marsmädchen, Hamburg: Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2003, S. 57.]
The verb gehen 'to walk' has become lexicalised in this construction as sich gehen lassen meaning 'to lose one's control' [@next].
::: ex
- Er geht nach Hause.
- Er lässt sich gehen. :::
The verb lernen 'to learn' can both occur in a construction with an infinitive [@next a] and with zu plus infinitive [@next b], see also [@sec:zuinfinitive-grammaticalisation]. There is an obvious parallel to the verbs lehren 'to teach' ([@sec:infinitive-lehren]) and helfen 'to help' ([@sec:infinitive-helfen]), both of which add a new participant (the "teacher" and the "helper", respectively). The verb lernen does not add a new participant, although there is a strong implication of an unspoken teacher [@next b], except in case of natural developmental processes [@next a].
::: ex
- Das Baby läuft.
Das Baby lernt laufen. - Ich schreibe meiner Oma monatlich einen Brief.
Ich lerne meiner Oma monatlich einen Brief (zu) schreiben. :::
The light verb legen with infinitive only appears to be used in a single expression with the main verb schlafen 'to sleep' [@next]. This construction obligatorily needs a reflexive pronoun.
::: ex Er legt sich schlafen. :::
SBJ › Ø : [ N | – ] lassen+Infinitiv Reflexive impersonal+evaluative {#sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive}
When used with intransitive verbs like arbeiten 'to work' [@next a], the construction lassen+Infinitiv leads to an impersonal construction removing the nominative subject. This construction obligatorily includes a reflexive pronoun and an adverbial that expresses an evaluation, like gut 'well' [@next b]. The expected valency-simulating pronoun es is typically present, but it seems possible to leave it out. The conditioning of the presence or absence of es needs more investigation [cf. @kunze1996: 649]. Besides the obvious evaluation as given by the adverb, this diatheses adds an epistemic notion of possibility to the meaning of the verb. I propose to call this diathesis Möglichkeitsbewertung in German. There is a clear parallel to the impersonal construction without lassen in [@next c], see [@sec:adverbial-reflexive-drop]. This lassen+Infinitiv diathesis invokes an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next d].
::: ex a. Ich arbeite zuhause. b. Zuhause lässt (es) sich gut arbeiten. c. Zuhause arbeitet es sich gut. d. Früher hat es sich hier immer gut arbeiten lassen. (*gelassen) :::
The attested adverbials are both positive (gut, leicht, frei) and negative (schlecht, schwer). It is possible to find examples without an adverbial, but these always have a strong evaluative conversational implicature (cf. [@sec:adverbial-nominative] for verbs with a similar effect). For example, in the examples in [@next] the implication is that the life or dreams are good.
::: ex
- Hier lässt es sich leben.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 05.01.2012, Nr. 02.] - Hier lässt es sich träumen!^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 12.12.2013, Nr. 50.] :::
This diathesis complex lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv+Adverb can structurally be analysed as a stack of two constructions (see [@sec:intro-stacking] for the notion of a stack). It appears to combine an unmarked impersonal reflexive diathesis [@next a], see [@sec:adverbial-reflexive-drop], with a causative lassen+Infinitiv diathesis [@next b], see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative]. However, the productive combination of these two diatheses does not result in the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv+Adverb construction [@next c]. For that reason, I consider this combination to be a separate grammaticalised diathesis, i.e. a fixed stack.
::: ex a. Zuhause arbeitet es sich gut. b. Irgendjemand lässt mich zuhause arbeiten. c. Zuhause lässt es sich gut arbeiten. :::
This diathesis is not possible with many patientive intransitive verbs like platzen 'to burst' [@next a,b] or bluten 'to bleed' [@next c,d]. However, note that this group of patientive intransitives is a different group of patientive intransitives than those that take a sein+Partizip perfect (cf. [@sec:participles-sein-perfect]).
::: ex
a. Der Ballon platzt.
Der Ballon ist geplatzt.
b. ^* Zuhause lässt es sich gut platzen.
c. Der Patient blutet.
Der Patient hat geblutet.
d. ^* Hier lässt es sich schwer bluten.
:::
- Possible with some agentive intransitives: agieren, atmen, laufen, leben, schwimmen, singen, spielen, springen, tanzen, träumen
- Not possible with some patientive intransitives: bluten, duften, husten, niesen, platzen
- An der frischen Luft lässt es sich frei atmen.
- Auf unbefestigtem Gelände läßt sich freier agieren.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 06.11.1997.]
SBJ › Ø : [ NP | –P ] lassen+Infinitiv Reflexive impersonal+preposition {#sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive-governed}
Intransitive verbs with a governed prepositional phrases, like zweifeln 'to doubt' [@next a], show an impersonal lassen+Reflexiv diathesis similar to the previous one. When the governed prepositional phrase is expressed (below with the preposition an), then there are various syntactic difference to real intransitives. First, the adverbial evaluation does not appear to be necessary anymore. Second, the status of the valency-simulating es is unclear in such examples, though my impression is that with governed prepositional phrases the pronoun es is left out by default [@next b]. Whether there really is a difference in the status of es depending on the presence of governed prepositional phrases needs more research.
::: ex a. Ich zweifele an der Ernsthaftigkeit der Aussage. b. An der Ernsthaftigkeit der Aussage lässt ^?^(es) sich zweifeln. :::
This diathesis appears to be possible with almost all intransitive verbs with a governed preposition. I have only been able to find a few exceptions, like stinken nach 'to stink of something' [@next].
::: ex a. Der Müll stinkt nach Fisch. b. ^* Nach Fisch lässt (es) sich stinken. :::
- streiten, zweifeln
- Not possible with: riechen, stinken
- Über das Wetter lässt sich schlecht streiten.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 02.03.2017 (online).]
As attested in the famous German saying Im Dunkeln ist gut munkeln, this diathesis is rather formulaic, but astonishingly widespread and productive. It consists of the verb sein with an infinitive and an evaluative adverb. Only the adverbs gut, schlecht, leicht and schwer appear to be possible. I propose to use the German name Zustandsbewertung for this diathesis.
This diathesis is frequently attested with an additional location phrase [@next a]. However, other adverbial phrases are also attested [@next b]. The verbs used in this diathesis are typically agentive, though incidental examples with patientive verbs are also attested, like with einschlafen [@next c], see also the further examples below.
::: ex
- Auf der Terrasse des Kulm ist gut verweilen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 13.12.1996, Nr. 51.] - Mit einem neutralen Deutschland ist schwer leben.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 12.05.1989, Nr. 20.] - Mit Vorhängen ist gut einschlafen. :::
- Agentive verbs: fasten, leben, munkeln, sitzen, schwärmen, verweilen
- Patientive verbs: ankommen, bleiben, einschlafen, sterben
- Zwischen den Stühlen ist schlecht sitzen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 08.12.1995, Nr. 50.] - In Abu Dhabi ist leicht schwärmen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 30.03.2011, Nr. 13.] - Bei vollem Magen ist gut fasten.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 11.07.1998.] - Wenn das Wasser an die nahen Felsen schwappt und in den Spalten gurgelt, dann ist gut einschlafen.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 03.03.2001.] - Katholisch bin und heiße ich, katholisch leb’ und sterbe ich, so kann ich nicht verderben, katholisch ist gut sterben.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 28.06.1968, Nr. 26.] - Hier ist gut Ankommen und Bleiben.^[Capitalisation as attested online at https://www.evangelisch.de/blogs/stilvoll-glauben/133455/07-04--2016, accessed 26 September 2022.]
The light verb heißen with an infinitive appears in various different constructions. One of them is the widespread desubjective usage with intransitive verbs, like with warten 'to wait' [@next a]. The original subject is demoted, but can optionally be retained as a für prepositional phrase. As there is no new subject introduced, an obligatory valency-simulating pronoun es is introduced. In German I propose to use the term Aufforderungsdesubjektiv for this diathesis.
Transitive verbs can be used in this construction, but only when the object does not have an article [@next b]. Such objects can be interpreted as incorporated objects, and there is a recurrent debate in German orthography whether such objects should be written separated by a space or not. Semantically, this heißen+Infinitiv construction is very close to the gelten+zu‑Infinitiv (see [@sec:zuinfinitive-gelten-demotion]). Both express a kind of externally induced necessity (i.e. a modal müssen).
::: ex
- Alles andere wartet.
Für alles andere heißt es warten.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 17.04.2017, Nr. 13.] - Und dann heißt es Daumen drücken.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 03.08.2017, Nr. 29.] :::
It is debatable whether this construction is coherent or not. When heißen is interpreted as a modal predicate expressing obligation, then it is clearly coherent [@next a]. However, there is another interpretation of heißen as a lexical predicate with the meaning 'to be named, to denote' (see also [@par:heißen-nominal]). In that interpretation it is mostly written with a colon, and that construction is not coherent [@next b].
::: ex
- (Es ist bekannt, dass) es dann Daumen drücken heißt.
- (Es ist bekannt, dass) es dann heißt: Daumen drücken. :::
Exactly the same construction heißen+Infinitiv can be also be used as a causative, although this usage is slightly old-fashioned (see [@sec:infinitive-heißen]). Sometimes both diatheses are possible, like with niederknien 'to kneel down' [@next a]. Counterintuitively, the effect is that heißen+Infinitiv can induce both a causative subject promotion [@next b] and a modal subject demotion [@next c].
::: ex
- Er kniete nieder.
- Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien.
- Vor dem Henker hieß es für ihn niederknien. :::
- Intransitive verbs: warten
- Transitive verbs without objects or with incorporated objects: Daumen drücken
OBJ › SBJ › ADJ : [ NA | pN ] lassen+Infinitiv Reflexive passive {#sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive}
With most transitive verbs the light verb lassen with a reflexive pronoun and an infinitive results in a passive diathesis with an epistemic interpretation that something is possible, like with schließen 'to close' [@next]. The original subject can be retained as an optional prepositional phrase with von. This diathesis invokes an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
a. Ich schließe den Schrank.
b. Der Schrank lässt sich (von mir) schließen.
(= Es ist möglich, dass ich den Schrank schließe.)
c. Gestern hat sich der Schrank noch schließen lassen. (*gelassen)
:::
There is a different interpretation available with verbs like kämmen 'to comb' [@next a]. The lassen passive [@next b] here typically has a deontic interpretation that something is permitted [@next c]. This different interpretation seems to correlate strongly with the animacy of the new subject. In this example, the new subject (Kinder 'children') is animate, and then a permission interpretation is preferred. However, the possibility interpretation is still available, though dispreferred [@next d].
::: ex
a. Der Vater kämmt die Kinder.
b. Die Kinder lassen sich kämmen.
c. (= Die Kinder erlauben, dass sie gekämmt werden.)
d. (= Es ist möglich die Kinder zu kämmen.)
:::
The dual interpretation of this passive fits in right in the middle between others diatheses with the same lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv construction. To the one side, with intransitive verbs this construction leads to a complete drop of the subject. In a sense, this absence can be interpreted as the extreme form of being inanimate. Consequently, only the epistemic interpretation ("possibility") is available (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive]). To the other side, verbs that give rise to a conversive diathesis ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-conversive]) or an inversive diathesis ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive]) all have an animate new subject. Consequently, these diatheses have a deontic interpretation ("permission").
Just as discussed previously with intransitives (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive]), the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv diathesis might appear to be a transparent combination of two separate diatheses, namely a Passivkausativ with lassen, see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative] and a reflexive anticausative, see [@sec:reflexive-anticausative]. Depending on the order of application, stacking these two diathesis leads to different results. The first option [@next a] is very similar to the intended result [@next c], but the implied agent is wrong. The second option [@next b] leads to a completely different construction. So, the fixed combination lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv is arguably a new construction, called Permissivpassiv here.
::: ex
a. Der Bauer schließt den Schrank.
+> Passivkausativ = Ich lasse den Schrank schließen.
+> Reflexiv Antikausativ = Der Schrank lässt sich (von mir) schließen.
b. Der Bauer schließt den Schrank.
+> Reflexiv Antikausativ = Der Schrank schließt sich.
+> Passivkausativ = Ich lasse den Schrank sich schließen.
c. Der Schrank lässt sich (vom Bauer) schließen.
:::
It is possible to find ambiguous constructions like [@next a], see also Kunze [-@kunze1996: 650ff.]. In this example, the transparent combination of a lassen causative with a self-inflicting reflexive leads to the causative interpretation as in [@next b], while the Permissivpassiv as discussed in this section leads either to a deontic interpretation ('permission', viz. dürfen) as in [@next c] or an epistemic interpretation ('possibility', viz. können) as in [@next d].
::: ex a. Der König lässt sich tragen. b. (= Der König sorgt dafür, dass er selbst getragen wird.) c. (= Der König erlaubt, dass jemand ihn trägt.) d. (= Es ist möglich, den König zu tragen.) :::
Any additional arguments can be retained in this diathesis. For example, an additional dative argument of a ditransitive verb like zuschreiben 'to attribute' [@next a] simply remains a dative after a Permissivpassiv [@next b]. In contrast, the causative+reflexive combination leads to a completely different result with such ditransitive verbs [@next c]. This is noteworthy, because this causative+reflexive stack results in exactly the same surface structure as the Permissivpassiv with the transitive examples above in [@last]. Not so with ditransitives like with zuschreiben [@next a]. The Permissivpassiv [@next b] promotes the accusative to subject (die Texte 'the texts') and leaves the dative alone (dem Autor 'the author'). In contrast, the causative+reflexive combination [@next c] results in a promotion of the dative to subject and leaves the accusative alone (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative]). Connected to this structural difference is a semantic difference. With the Permissivpassiv the new sentence has an inanimate subject [@next b], so the only available interpretation is epistemic ("possibility"). In contrast, with the causative+reflexive diathesis the new sentence describes causation [@next c].
::: ex
- Ich schreibe dem unbekannten Autor die Texte zu.
- Die Texte lassen sich dem unbekannten Autor zuschreiben.
(= Es ist möglich, ihm die Texte zuzuschreiben.) - Der unbekannte Author lässt sich die Texte zuschreiben.
(= Er sorgt dafür, dass die Texte ihm zugeschrieben werden.) :::
A few verbs, like übersehen 'to overlook' [@next a] or erläutern 'to elucidate' [@next b], only seem to allow for this diathesis with an obligatory evaluative adverbial like leicht 'easy' or schwer 'difficult'. This is reminiscent of the same construction with intransitives (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-intransitive]). More research is needed to establish what kind of transitive verbs necessarily need such an additional adverbial, if it is at all really obligatory.
::: ex
- Der Dozent übersieht den Rechtschreibfehler.
Solch ein Rechtschreibfehler lässt sich leicht (vom Dozenten) übersehen. - Der Dozent erläutert den Begriff.
Der Begriff lässt sich nur schwer (vom Dozenten) erläutern. :::
- Most transitive verbs: bezweifeln, kämmen, schminken, schließen, tragen, etc.
- Ditransitive verbs: zuschreiben, etc.
- Verbs that need an evaluative adverbial: übersehen, erläutern
- Ich bezweifele die Lösung.
Die Lösung lässt sich bezweifeln. - Irgendjemand schminkt sie.
Sie lässt sich schminken. - Jemand treibt dem Leben den Ernst aus.
Dem Leben lässt sich der Ernst […] nicht austreiben.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 31.03.2010, Nr. 14.]
OBJ › SBJ › ADJ : [ ND | pN ] lassen+Infinitiv Dative reflexive passive {#sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive}
A small group of verbs, like helfen 'to help' [@next a] and gratulieren 'to congratulate' [@next b] show a dative reflexive passive with a permissive interpretation. Crucially, in this diathesis the original dative is turned into a nominative subject while the old subject is demoted to a von prepositional phrase. The obligatory reflexive pronoun is in the dative [@next b]. This diathesis obligatory has an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex
- Sie hilft ihm.
Er lässt sich (von ihr) helfen.
(= Er erlaubt, dass sie ihm hilft.) - Sie gratuliert mir.
Ich lasse mir (von ihr) gratulieren. (= Ich erlaube, dass sie mir gratuliert.) - Sie hat sich gratulieren lassen. (*gelassen) :::
There seem to be only very few verbs with a dative (but not accusative) that allow for this passive diathesis. Various other verbs with a dative show a reflexive inversive diathesis, to be discussed separately (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive]).
- entfliehen, gratulieren, helfen, imponieren
- Etwas imponiert mir.
Ich lasse mir nicht davon imponieren, aber ich rechne damit.^[DWDS: Die Grenzboten. Jg. 65, 1906, Viertes Vierteljahr.] - Jemand entflieht dem Landleben.
Doch diesem Landleben lässt sich auch leicht entfliehen.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 01.06.2011, Nr. 23.]
OBJ › SBJ › PBJ : [ NA | PN ] lassen+Infinitiv Reflexive conversive {#sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-conversive}
For some transitive verbs the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv diathesis has a slightly different structure and interpretation from the previously described passives (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive]). For example, this diathesis with empören 'to appall' [@next a,b] only has a permissive interpretation ('allowing something to happen') [@next c]. The epistemic interpretation ('it is possible that something happens') is not available [@next d]. This restriction is consistent with the fact that the new subject in this diathesis is always human. This usage of lassen necessarily needs an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next e].
::: ex a. Der Witz empört ihn. b. Er lässt sich nicht von diesem Witz empören. c. (= Er erlaubt nicht, dass er von diesem Witz empört wird.) d. (≠ Es ist nicht möglich, dass er von diesem Witz empört wird.) e. Er hat sich nicht empören lassen. (*gelassen) :::
This diathesis is attested for a subset of those verbs that allow for a reflexive conversive (see [@sec:reflexive-preposition-passive]). For example, empören allows a reflexive conversive with retention of the original subject as an über governed prepositional phrase [@next a]. In contrast, the governed preposition in the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv diathesis is always von [@next b]. Because of the conversive syntax and the permissiv semantics I propose to call the diathesis Permissivkonversiv in German.
::: ex
- Er empört sich über den Witz.
Er empört sich darüber, dass der Witz rassistisch ist. - Er lässt sich nicht von dem Witz empören.
Er lässt sich nicht davon empören, dass der Witz rassistisch ist. :::
This diathesis can be analysed as a transparent combination of a Passivkausativ ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative]) and a Reflexiv Antikausativ ([@sec:reflexive-anticausative]) as shown in [@next]. However, the intermediate step in this derivation is ungrammatical.
::: ex
Der Witz empört ihn.
+> Passivkausativ = *Etwas lässt ihn (von dem Witz) empören.
+> Reflexiv Antikausativ = Er lässt sich (von dem Witz) empören.
:::
Verbs like empören 'to appall' that describe negative emotions strongly prefer an additional negation in the lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv diathesis [@next a]. Reversely, verbs describing positive emotions like begeistern 'to enthuse' typically do not use a negation with this diathesis [@next b].
::: ex a. ^^?^ Ich lasse mich von diesem Witz empören. b. Ich lasse mich von diesem Witz begeistern. :::
- Typically with negation (verbs of negative emotions): ärgern, beruhigen, erschrecken, empören, erzürnen, langweilen, quälen, stören
- Typically without negation (verbs of positive emotion): begeistern, belustigen, erheitern, unterhalten
- Davon lasse ich mich nicht ärgern/stören.
- Ich lasse mich nicht schnell erschrecken, sagen wir es so.^[
DWDS: Der Tagesspiegel, 26.10.2003.] - Mehr als zwei Minuten lässt man sich von so jemandem nicht langweilen.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 18.05.2000, Nr. 21.] - Davon lasse ich mich begeistern.
- Man steht in bequemen Intervallen und liest die Zeitung oder läßt sich von den Burschen belustigen.^[
DWDS: Kisch, Egon Erwin: Der rasende Reporter, Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 1925, S. 7.] - Eine Mehrheit von 59 Prozent dagegen lässt sich von Büttenreden erheitern.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 05.03.2011 (online).]
Ø › SBJ › ADJ : [ –NA | NpA ] lassen+Infinitiv Passive causative {#sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative}
The lassen+Infinitiv causative diathesis can be used with almost all German verbs, as discussed in the next [@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative]. In that diathesis, the original nominative subject is demoted to an accusative [@next a]. However, there also exists a variant of that causative, which will be discussed in this section. In this variant, the original nominative is expressed with a von prepositional phrase [@next b], or it can even be dropped altogether [@next c]. This results in an embedded "passive" reading with an unknown agent [cf. @enzinger2012: 26]. The resulting construction obligatorily takes an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next d].
::: ex
a. Der Mitarbeiter wäscht die Teller.
Sie lässt den Mitarbeiter die Teller waschen.
b. Sie lässt die Teller von dem Mitarbeiter waschen.
c. Sie lässt die Teller waschen.
d. Sie hat die Teller waschen lassen. (*gelassen)
:::
These two variants of the causative are of course closely related. However, there are important differences between them. To improve the clarity of the analysis, the current von-variant is given a separate name here. The demotion of the original subject to an optional von phrase is reminiscent of a passive, and for this reason I propose to call this diathesis Passivkausativ. This following arguments justify the distinction between this Passivkausativ and the other causative construction (called Permissivkausativ, see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-causative]).
- First, (by definition) the Passivkausativ does not retain the original subject as an accusative, but uses an optional von prepositional phrase. This phrase is typically not present, and the complete absence of the original subject from a sentence is a telltale sign that a causative lassen construction is a Passivkausativ.
- Second, the semantics of the Passivkausativ are purely causative. There is no alternative permissive interpretation possible, which is available for the other causative construction (hence the name Permissivkausativ for that one).
- Third, some verbs cannot be used with the Passivkausativ, though they can be used with the other causative construction.
- Finally, the Passivkausativ is prone to have additional reflexive pronouns added on top of the causative diathesis. This is not possible with the other causative construction.
Expanding on the second characteristic, the Passivkausativ strictly has causative semantics. It can only be used to express that the new subject is causing something to happen [@next a]. In contrast, the Permissivkausativ often allows for a different permissive interpretation (hence the name). Depending on the context it can be used either to express causation or permission [@next b].
::: ex
a. Sie lässt die Teller (von dem Mitarbeiter) waschen.
(= causation: Sie sorgt dafür, dass die Teller gewaschen werden.)
(≠ permission: Sie erlaubt, dass die Teller gewaschen werden.)
b. Sie lässt den Mitarbeiter die Teller waschen.
(= causation: Sie beauftragt ihn, die Teller zu waschen.)
(= permission: Sie erlaubt, dass er die Teller wäscht, obwohl andere Aufgaben warten.)
:::
Expanding on the third characteristic from above: The Passivkausativ seems to be restricted (or maybe even completely impossible) for verbs that do not have an accusative argument, like antworten 'to answer' [@next a]. The Passivkausativ seems to be impossible [@next b], but the Permissivkausativ is unproblematic for such verbs [@next c].
::: ex a. Der Lehrer antwortet dem Schüler. b. ^* Der Dekan lässt dem Schüler vom Lehrer antworten. c. Der Dekan lässt den Lehrer dem Schüler antworten. :::
Intransitive verbs like einschlafen 'to fall asleep' [@next a] likewise do not take a Passivkausativ because the von construction is not possible with intransitives [@next b]. Intransitives are thus analysed as having a Permissivkausativ [@next c]. This analysis also nicely matches the semantic interpretation, because many intransitive verbs both allow for a causative and a permissive reading in lassen constructions [@next c].
::: ex
- Das Baby schläft ein.
- ^* Ich lasse vom Baby einschlafen.
- Ich lasse das Baby einschlafen.
(= permission: Ich erlaube, dass das Baby einschläft, indem ich es in Ruhe lasse.)
(= causation: Ich sorge dafür, dass das Baby einschläft, indem ich es in den Schlaf wiege.) :::
Further, as observed in the literature [@nedjalkov1976: 7; @enzinger2012: 27], the Passivkausativ is impossible with some verbs like ausziehen 'to take off' [@next a,b]. The Permissivkausativ with a double accusative is no problem [@next c]. This impossibility seems to be related to the availability of an endoreflexive diathesis (see [@sec:reflexive-accusative-drop]), but that connection has to be investigated further. Note that with a different object [@next d] or with a subject reflexive [@next e] this construction is perfectly possible.
::: ex a. Sein Sohn zieht die Jacke aus. b. ^* Er lässt die (eigene) Jacke von seinem Sohn ausziehen. c. Er lässt seinen Sohn die (eigene) Jacke ausziehen. d. Er lässt das Baby von seinem Sohn ausziehen. d. Er lässt sich von seinem Sohn ausziehen. :::
So the Passivkausativ can only be applied to verbs that have an accusative argument. Any additional arguments are simply retained, like a ditransitive dative [@next a] or an obligatory location [@next b].
::: ex
- Ich schicke dem Jubilar einen Blumenstrauß.
Sie lässt dem Jubilar einen Blumenstrauß schicken. - Ich spucke die Kerne in eine Schale.
Sie lässt die Kerne in eine Schale spucken. :::
Expanding on the fourth characteristic from above: The Passivkausativ is often attested with reflexive pronouns. These are completely transparent self-inflicting reflexive pronouns that are added after the causative diathesis is applied. There are three different kinds of reflexive pronouns, exemplified here with the verb waschen 'to wash' [@next a].
First, after the application of the Passivkausativ, the accusative (den Teller) can be replaced by a self-inflicting reflexive pronoun [@next b]. This accusative pronoun (mich) is clearly a self-inflicting reflexive pronoun because it can be negated as nicht nur mich [@next c], and it can be syntactically stressed as nur mich selbst [@next d].
::: ex
- Die Aushilfe wäscht den Teller.
Ich lasse den Teller (von der Aushilfe) waschen. - Ich lasse mich waschen.
- Ich lasse nicht nur mich waschen.
- Ich lasse nur mich selbst waschen. :::
Second, a dative reflexive pronoun (mir) can occur [@next a], which can be a possessor-of-accusative dative (see [@sec:case-possessor-accusative-to-dative]), that can be paraphrased with a possessive pronoun meine Teller [@next b]. Third, this dative reflexive pronoun can also be a beneficiary dative (see [@sec:prepositions-benefactive-dative]), that can be paraphrased as für mich [@next c].
::: ex
- Ich lasse mir die Teller waschen.
- (= Ich lasse meine Teller waschen.)
- (= Ich lasse die Teller für mich waschen.) :::
With an additional dative argument of a ditransitive verb, like verbieten 'to forbid', the self-inflicting reflexive is typically applied to this dative [@next a]. With possessor-of-location datives (see [@sec:prepositions-possessor-of-location-to-dative-experiencer]), any reflexive dative is the possessor of this location [@next b].
::: ex
- Mein Vater verbietet mir das Rauchen.
Meine Mutter lässt mir das Rauchen nicht (von meinem Vater) verbieten.
Ich lasse mir das Rauchen nicht (von meinem Vater) verbieten. - Der Künstler sticht ein Tattoo in ihren Arm.
Ich lasse (von dem Künstler) ein Tattoo in ihren Arm stechen.
Ich lasse ihr ein Tattoo in den Arm stechen.
Ich lasse mir ein Tattoo in den Arm stechen. :::
These options might appear obviously different, but in practice it is often quite confusing to determine what is going on in a specific sentence. There are two reasons for this confusion. First, the dative and accusative reflexive pronoun are identical in the third person (sich). Second, there are also various grammaticalised combinations of lassen+Infinitiv with a reflexive pronoun, which have clearly different meanings but often look quite similar (see [@sec:infinitive-guises-of-lassen] for a survey). To illustrate such possible confusion, I have collected some very similar constructions below in [@next], which turn out to be all semantically and structurally different. The proposed analyses are listed in [@tbl:lassen-analysis].
::: ex
- Der König lässt sich selbst kämmen.
(= Er sorgt dafür, dass jemand gekämmt wird, nämlich er selber.) - Der König lässt sich widerwillig kämmen.
(= Er erlaubt, dass er gekämmt wird.) - Der König lässt sich einfach kämmen.
(= Es ist möglich, den König zu kämmen.) - Der König lässt sich die Haare kämmen.
(= Er sorgt dafür, dass seine eigenen Haare gekämmt werden.) - Der König lässt sich die Haare seines Hundes kämmen.
(= Er sorgt selbstsüchtig dafür, dass andere Haare gekämmt werden.) - Der König lässt sich den Kuchen schmecken.
(= Der Kuchen schmeckt dem König.) - Der König lässt sich den Kuchen schenken.
(= Er sorgt dafür, dass jemand ihm einen Kuchen schenkt.) - Dem König lässt sich ein Kuchen schenken.
(= Ein Kuchen ist ein passendes Geschenk für den König.) :::
| Case of reflexive | Analysis of reflexive constructions with a lassen diathesis in [@last] | cf. Section | |
|---|---|---|---|
| a. | accusative | Causative + self‑reflexive of an accusative argument | [-@sec:reflexive-self-inflicting-accusative] |
| b. | accusative | Reflexive passive with a permission interpretation | [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive] |
| c. | accusative | Reflexive passive with a possibility interpretation | [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive] |
| d. | dative | Causative + self-reflexive of a possessor dative | [-@sec:case-possessor-accusative-to-dative] |
| e. | dative | Causative + self-reflexive of a beneficiary dative | [-@sec:prepositions-benefactive-dative] |
| f. | dative | Reflexive inversive of a verb with a dative (schmecken) | [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive] |
| g. | dative | Causative + self‑reflexive of a dative argument | [-@sec:reflexive-dative-accusative] |
| h. | accusative | Reflexive passive of a verb with a recipient (schenken) | [-@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-passive] |
Table: Analysis of the sentences in [@last] {#tbl:lassen-analysis}
Ø › SBJ › OBJ : [ –N | NA ] lassen+Infinitiv Permissive causative {#sec:infinitive-lassen-causative}
Although the lassen+Infinitiv is widely acknowledged in German grammar as a causative, the actual semantics are more variable than that. Basically there seem to be two major interpretations, a causative and a permissive [@next b]. Consequently, I propose to call this diathesis Permissivkausativ. Enzinger [-@enzinger2012: 6--7] calls the permissive reading Kontinuativ as this interpretation typically expresses that a situation is allowed to persist or continue. Schallert [-@schallert2014: 174-176] even proposes to add the continuative reading as a third interpretation. This diathesis typically invokes the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c]. However, the use of participle gelassen is possible [@next d], but seems to be restricted to the permissive/continuative interpretation [@enzinger2012: 34].
::: ex
a. Ich wasche die Kleider.
b. Sie lässt mich die Kleider waschen.
(= causation: Sie verursacht, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
(= permission: Sie erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
c. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen lassen.
d. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen gelassen.
(= permission: Sie hat erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
:::
In almost all sentences both the causative and the permissive interpretation of the Permissivkausativ seem to be possible. Only the context seems to determine which interpretation is intended. In isolation, only very few verbs prefer one or the other interpretation. For example, schauen 'to watch' [@next a] only allows for a permissive reading, while sehen 'to see' [@next b] only allows for a causative interpretation. More research is needed to establish what kind of verbs likewise restrict the interpretation of the Permissivkausativ.
::: ex
- Meine Tochter schaut eine grausame Fernsehserie.
Ich lasse meine Tochter die grausame Fernsehserie schauen.
(= permission: Ich erlaube, dass sie die Fernsehserie schaut.)
(≠ causation: Ich zeige ihr die Fernsehserie.) - Meine Tochter sieht die grausame Fernsehserie.
Ich lasse meine Tochter die grausame Fernsehserie sehen.
(≠ permission: Ich erlaube, dass sie die Fernsehserie schaut.)
(= causation: Ich zeige ihr die Fernsehserie.) :::
This diathesis can be applied to verbs of all argument structures. There is always a new nominative introduced, and the old nominative is demoted to an accusative. Other arguments are simply retained. If there is already an accusative present [@next], then the resulting construction simply has two accusative constituents. Such double accusatives are unusual in German because most role-remappings lead to a chain of remappings to not end up with identically marked constituents (see [@sec:intro-chaining] on the notion of a "chain"). Additionally, any datives [@next a] or prepositional phrases [@next b] are simply left untouched by this diathesis.
::: ex
a. Ich schreibe meiner Oma einen Brief.
Meine Mutter lässt mich meiner Oma einen Brief schreiben.
b. Der Vater ärgert sich über die vielen Staus.
Die Nachrichten lassen meinen Vater sich über die vielen Staus ärgern.
:::
There are some verbs that do not allow for this diathesis [cf. @nedjalkov1976: 17], like gefallen 'to like' [@next a,b]. Such incompatible verbs probably all have a non-agent as nominative subject. However, the restrictions to the applicability of the Permissivkausativ need more in-depth investigation.
::: ex a. Der Schlitten gefällt dem Jungen. b. ^* Der Verkäufer lässt den Schlitten dem Jungen gefallen. :::
This causative construction cannot be combined with any kind of reflexive pronouns, with only very few exceptions to this generalisation. These restrictions basically appear to be semantic in nature, as mostly it does not make sense to explicitly cause oneself to do something. Other paraphrases seem more natural for such intended meanings, like sich zwingen [@next a]. In some examples an intended reflexive is preferably expressed with a Passivkausativ ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative]), using a von phrase instead of an accusative [@next b]. In exceptional occasions a reflexive possessor dative is possible, but I only know of a single suitable example, namely with the verb wachsen 'to grow' when related to the growing of hair [@next c]. Note that such reflexive possessor datives are very common with the Passivkausativ ([@sec:infinitive-lassen-passive-causative]), but not with the current Permissivkausativ. Finally, there is a very small group of intransitives that allows for a combination of lassen+Infinitiv with a self-inflicting reflexive, like treiben 'to flow' [@next d]. This special class of verbs is discussed separately in [@sec:infinitive-intransitive-lassen-epithesis].
::: ex
- ^* Ich lasse mich die Kleider waschen.
(= Ich zwinge mich die Kleider zu waschen.) - ^* Die Kinder lassen den Vater sich kämmen.
(= Die Kinder lassen sich vom Vater kämmen.) - Ich lasse mir den Bart wachsen.
- Ich lasse mich treiben. :::
- Not possible with verbs with non-agent subjects: ähneln, bekommen, beschweren, besitzen, gefallen, interessieren, kennen, missfallen, sich befinden, verunglücken
The verb schicken allows for a construction with an infinitive [@next]. This diathesis does not express pure causation, but more of a directive to somebody to do something. For that reason I propose to call this diathesis Direktivkausativ in German. This diathesis does not invoke the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c].
::: ex a. Er schläft. b. Ich schicke ihn schlafen. c. Ich habe ihn schlafen geschickt. (*schicken) :::
The meaning of the light verb schicken in this diathesis is rather close to the meaning of the full verb schicken 'to send' [@next a]. The diathesis with infinitive seems to be restricted to agentive intransitives [@next b,c].
::: ex a. Ich schicke ihn nach Hause. b. ^* Er schickte mich einschlafen. c. ^* Er schickte mich fallen. :::
There is a frequent sentence structure of schicken with the infinitive of the transitive verb holen 'to fetch something'. There do not appear to be many transitive examples.
::: ex a. Ich hole Bier. b. Er schickt mich Bier holen. :::
- Agentive intransitives: duschen, einkaufen, schlafen, etc.
- Transitives: holen, aufräumen
- Du hast noch mehr als einmal gearbeitet und mich schlafen geschickt.^[
DWDS: Mauthner, Fritz: Wörterbuch der Philosophie. In: Bertram, Mathias (Hg.) Geschichte der Philosophie, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1910], S. 24606.] - Doch als sie ihn später ein zweites Mal Wasser holen schickt, kommt Sachin aufgeregt zurück …^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 06.12.2012, Nr. 50.] - Wenn Manne seine Diener, zwei beflissene Penner, Bier holen schickt, dann …^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 10.02.2005, Nr. 07.] - Gegen Nürnberg ließ Fairchild, diesmal wieder Angreifer, seinen aufgestauten Frust verbal an Referee Chvatal aus, der ihn mit einer Spieldauerstrafe duschen schickte.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 19.02.2004.] - Die Mutter schickt ihn sein Zimmer aufräumen.^[I thank Yvonne Treis for suggesting this example.]
The verb machen can be used with an infinitive to express a causative meaning. This typically is found with intransitives, like lachen 'to laugh' [@next a], though incidental transitives are also attested, like vergessen 'to forget' [@next b]. Although this construction might look like an English calque (cf. 'he makes me laugh'), it is already attested in early German examples [@next c], so it seems to be an old Germanic construction. Semantically it is unclear to me what exactly drives the usage of this causative construction. There appears to be less causative force implied, so I propose to call this diathesis Aufforderungskausativ in German. This diathesis does not invoke the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next d].
::: ex
a. Ich lache.
Der Clown macht mich lachen.
b. Ich vergesse die Verabredung.
Der Stress macht mich die Verabredung vergessen.
c. Das Pulver von eines Schwanen Beiner auf eines Kopf gestreuet soll alsbald die Haar ausfallen machen.^[DWDS: Zeiller, Martin: Centvria III. Variarvm Quæstionvm. Bd. 3. Ulm, 1659.]
d. Der Clown hat mich lachen gemacht (*machen).
:::
- Intransitives: flattern, frösteln, lachen, leiden, schaudern, weinen
- Transitives: hinnehmen, vergessen
- Der Lärm macht mich schaudern.
- Die Diktatur machte die Menschen ihr Schicksal passiv hinnehmen.
- Und der harte Bass brandet in so tückischen Wellen durch die Halle, dass er die Hosenbeine flattern macht.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 31.05.2007 (online).] - Spengler führt vor, wie der Gang der Geschichte die Menschen Idee und Wirklichkeit der eigenen Freiheit vergessen macht.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 21.12.2017, Nr. 49.]
The verb heißen can also be used with an infinitive to express a causative meaning [cf. @engel1996: 489], though this is rather old-fashioned [@next a,b]. This diathesis does not invoke the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c]. Note that there is a different, apparently completely independent, desubjective usage of heißen+Infinitiv (see [@sec:infinitive-heißen-demotion]).
::: ex a. Er kniete nieder. b. Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien. c. Der Henker hat ihn niederknien geheißen (*heißen). :::
- Eins von den Kindern hieß er zum Doktor laufen.^[
DWDS: Ganghofer, Ludwig: Der Dorfapostel, Stuttgart: Adolf Bonz 1900, S. 124.] - Hierauf hat mich der Vater in sein Arbeitsgemach geführt, hat mich auf den weichsten Sessel niedersitzen geheißen.^[
DWDS: Rosegger, Peter: Die Schriften des Waldschulmeisters. Pest, 1875.]
The following perception verbs (Lat. verba sentiendi, German Wahrnehmungsverben) are regularly discussed as a special class in the German grammatical literature: sehen 'to see', hören 'to hear' and fühlen/spüren 'to feel' [e.g. @eisenberg2006a: 266; @kotulkova2010; @enzinger2012: 23; @fuss2017: 235--243; @konopka2021]. These verbs are special because they can occur both in a biclausal construction with a finite dass complement clause and in a monoclausal construction with an infinitive. This class of verbs is not completely homogeneous because only sehen and hören can optionally occur with an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv. These two verbs are also by far the most frequent in actual usage [@konopka2021]. I propose to also include the verbs riechen 'to smell' and finden 'to find' (but in this construction it means 'to detect') in this class of verbs, although their use in infinitive constructions is much more restricted. When used in a coherent construction with an infinitive, I propose the German name Perzeptiv for such constructions.
The verb sehen 'to see' can both be used with a finite dass complement clause [@next a] and with an infinitive construction [@next b]. This infinitive construction optionally allows for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Ich sehe, dass du dem Jungen ein Buch gibst.
- Ich sehe dich dem Jungen ein Buch geben.
- Ich habe dich dem Jungen das Buch geben sehen/gesehen.
- Die Mutter war sehr ängstlich und hat ständig ihre Kinder unter einem Auto liegen sehen.^[In: Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache: Wörterbuch zur Verbvalenz. Grammatisches Informationssystem grammis. https://grammis.ids-mannheim.de/verbs/view/400881/14, accessed 22 July 2021.]
Bei ihrer Flucht habe sie auf den Hoteltreppen viele Leichen liegen gesehen.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 27.11.2008, Nr. 48.] :::
The verb hören 'to hear' can both be used with a dass complement clause [@next a] and with an infinitive construction [@next b]. This infinitive construction optionally allows for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Ich höre, dass du das Lied singst.
- Ich höre dich das Lied singen.
- Ich habe dich das Lied singen hören/gehört.
- Während meiner Recherche habe ich Ulrike nicht singen hören.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 18.01.2018, Nr. 01.]
Dort hat mich ein Erzieher auf dem Flur singen gehört.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 15.09.2016 (online).] :::
The verb fühlen 'to feel' can both be used with a dass complement clause [@next a] and with an infinitive construction [@next b]. This infinitive construction does not allow for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Er fühlt, dass die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
- Er fühlt die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
- Er hat die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen gefühlt (*fühlen).
- Auf so anrührende Weise wie in Asmara haben wir uns selten unterhalten gefühlt.^[
DWDS: Die Zeit, 16.12.2010, Nr. 51.] :::
The verb spüren 'to feel' can both be used with a dass complement clause [@next a] and with an infinitive construction [@next b]. This infinitive construction does not allow for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Er spürt, dass die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
- Er spürt die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
- Er hat die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen gespürt (*spüren).
- Und Pfauder habe sein Herz bis zum Hals hoch klopfen gespürt.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 30.11.1996.] :::
The verb riechen 'to smell' can be used with a dass complement clause [@next a] and in very few cases it is also attested with an infinitive construction [@next b]. This infinitive construction does not allow for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Er riecht, dass seine Mutter Milchreis kocht.
- Er riecht seine Mutter Milchreis kochen.
- Er hat seine Mutter Milchreis kochen gerochen (*riechen).
- Er schlug sich querfeldein, nahm meilenweite Umwege in Kauf, wenn er eine noch Stunden entfernte Schwadron Reiter auf sich zukommen roch.^[
DWDS: Süskind, Patrick: Das Parfum, Zürich: Diogenes 1985, S. 4.] :::
- Seine Majestät hatte einen Streit im Haus gehört und etwas brennen gerochen.^[William M. Thackeray: Die Rose und der Ring. Übersetzung Jörg Karau 2009. Attested online at https://www.joergkarau-texte.de/PDF/Die%20Rose%20und%20der%20Ring.pdf, accessed 22 July 2021.]
- Ich war gerade 20 Minuten draußen und hab bei 8°C zwei Familien unabhängig voneinander Grillen gerochen.^[Note the non-standard capitalisation. Attested online at https://twitter.com/oerthelius/status/1368214157347221508, accessed 13 September 2021.]
The verb finden (literally meaning 'to find', but in this construction the meaning is closer to feststellen 'to detect') cannot be used with a dass complement clause [@next a]. However, it is attested with an infinitive, similar to the previous verba sentiendi [@next b]. This infinitive construction typically occurs with position verbs like stehen, liegen, sitzen. This construction does not allow for an IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next c,d].
::: ex
- Er stellte fest (*findet), dass sein Teller auf dem Tisch steht.
- Er fand seinen Teller auf dem Tisch stehen.
- Er hat seinen Teller auf dem Tisch stehen gefunden (*finden).
- Er […] rauchte den Joint auf, den er dort liegen fand.^[
DWDS: Der Tagesspiegel, 02.10.1998.] :::
- Position verbs: stehen, liegen, sitzen
- Der gütige Herr wollte weiterschreiten, als er einen Dritten bitterlich weinend am Straßenrand sitzen fand.^[
DWDS: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 1995 [1945].] - Indessen hatte Perdikkas die Stadt, gegen die er gesandt war, bereits von den Einwohnern verlassen gefunden.^[
DWDS: Droysen, Johann Gustav: Geschichte Alexanders des Großen. Hamburg, 1833.]
The verb lehren 'to teach' can be used as a light verb with infinitive. The construction induces a novative diathesis in which a new role ("the teacher") is introduced as a nominative and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to accusative [@next a,b]. Atypically for a light-verb construction, the meaning of the light verb lehren remains completely transparently related to the full verb with the meaning 'to teach'. There is an alternative construction with zu‑Infinitiv (see [@sec:zuinfinitive-grammaticalisation]) that appears to have a highly similar meaning. More research is needed to elucidate any difference between these two constructions [@next b,c]. The lehren+Infinitiv diathesis does not invoke the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next d].
::: ex a. Der Junge schwimmt. b. Die Mutter lehrt den Jungen schwimmen. c. Die Mutter lehrt den Jungen zu schwimmen. d. Die Mutter hat den Jungen schwimmen gelehrt. :::
There does not seem to be any syntactic restriction on the main lexical verbs that can be used in this diathesis. Any verb can be used as long as the verb can sensibly be conceived as something that can be taught. Any other arguments of the lexical verb simply are retained, which regularly leads to double accusatives [@next a,b].
::: ex
- Ich wasche mich.
- Sie lehrt mich mich waschen. :::
The verb helfen 'to help' can be used as a light verb with infinitive. The construction induces a novative diathesis in which a new role ("the helper") is introduced as a nominative and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to dative [@next a,b]. Atypically for a light-verb construction, the meaning of the light verb helfen remains completely transparently related to the full verb with the meaning 'to help'. There is an alternative construction with zu‑Infinitiv [@next c], see [@sec:zuinfinitive-grammaticalisation], that appears to highly similar. More research is needed to elucidate any difference between these two constructions. The helfen+Infinitiv diathesis allows for the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv, but it is not obligatory [@next d].
::: ex
- Ich trage den Koffer.
- Er hilft mir den Koffer tragen.
- Er hilft mir den Koffer zu tragen.
- Er hat mir den Koffer tragen geholfen.
Er hat mir den Koffer tragen helfen. :::
Any lexical verb can be used in this construction as long as the verb can sensibly be conceived as something that can be helped with. Other arguments of the lexical verb are simply retained. However, the helfen+Infinitiv construction seems to be dispreferred when the lexical verb has many arguments [@next a,b]. It appears to be more typical of constructions with only a single lexical argument [@next c,d]. Note that this construction is also typically used without the beneficiary of the helping being expressed, i.e. the agent of the lexical verb is dropped [@next d].
::: ex
- Ich schreibe dir einen Brief.
- Sie hilft mir dir einen Brief schreiben.
- Sie hilft mir schreiben.
- Sie hilft den Brief schreiben. :::
Not attested.
Not attested.
OBJ › SBJ › OBJ : [ ND | AN ] lassen+Infinitiv Dative reflexive inversive {#sec:infinitive-lassen-dative-reflexive-inversive}
Most of the verbs with a dative (but no accusative) do not allow for a reflexive lassen+Infinitiv construction. The few that do allow for such a construction, like einfallen 'to occur to somebody' [@next], have an animate dative and they show a special diathesis. The dative turns into a nominative subject and the erstwhile nominative turns into an accusative. This diathesis needs an obligatory dative reflexive pronoun. The resulting construction has a permissive meaning and obligatorily needs an Ersatzinfinitiv [@next b]. This diathesis is not a stack of two separate diatheses. The combination of a lassen causative and a reflexive anticausative leads to a completely different structure [@next c]. I propose the German name Permissivinversiv for this diathesis.
::: ex
- Ihm fällt etwas Neues ein.
- Er lässt sich etwas Neues einfallen. (*eingefallen)
- Ihm fällt etwas Neues ein.
+> Passivkausativ = ^?^Irgendjemand lässt ihm etwas Neues einfallen.
+> Reflexiv Antikausativ = ^?^Etwas Neues lässt sich ihm einfallen. :::
Just like with the Permissivkonversiv (see [@sec:infinitive-lassen-reflexive-conversive]) there seems to be a difference between verbs that typically take negation in this construction, like entgehen 'to miss' [@next b], and verbs that prefer no negation, like schmecken 'to taste' [@next a].
::: ex
a. Das Bärenfleisch schmeckt ihm.
Er lässt sich das Bärenfleisch schmecken.^[DWDS: Die Zeit, 22.11.1985, Nr. 48.]
b. Der Spaß entgeht mir.
Den Spaß lasse ich mir nicht entgehen.
:::
- Typically without negation: einfallen, geschehen, schmecken
- Typically with negation: entgehen, entgleiten, entwischen, gefallen, passieren
- Dein Ton gefällt mir nicht.
Ich lasse mir deinen Ton nicht gefallen. - Den Kuß lasse ich mir gefallen.^[
DWDS: Brief von Irene G. an Ernst G. vom 07.12.1939, Feldpost-Archive mkb-fp-0270.] - Das Leben läßt sich unsere Eingriffe geschmeidig geschehen.^[
DWDS: Strittmatter, Erwin: Der Laden, Berlin: Aufbau-Verl. 1983, S. 213.]
The construction of a light verb haben with an infinitive [cf. @hole2002: 183--185] is attested with various position verbs like hängen [@next a]. These position verbs obligatorily need a location phrase [@next b]. In this diathesis, the hanging object is expressed as an accusative, and the new nominative subject of the haben+Infinitiv construction is necessarily the dative possessor of the location [@next c], see [@sec:prepositions-possessor-of-location-to-dative-experiencer]. By using this diathesis, the new nominative subject is presented as a curious mix of both being in control and being a helpless experiencer at the same time. In German I propose to use the name Ortspertinenzinversiv for this diathesis. This diathesis does not invoke the IPP Ersatzinfinitiv [@next d].
::: ex
a. Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase hängen.
b. ^* Er hat einen Tropfen hängen.
c. Ein Tropfen hängt an seiner Nase.
Ein Tropfen hängt ihm an der Nase.
d. Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase hängen gehabt (*haben).
:::
The new nominative subject appears to have multiple possible paraphrases. It mostly is the possessor of the location, as in [@last], but there are also examples in which it is the possessor of the original subject, as in [@next]. In such examples the new subject of the haben+Infinitiv diathesis is not related to a dative. It is not completely clear to me how to best approach such examples, but they seem to be related to the haben+am‑Infinitiv diathesis, as discussed below.
::: ex
- Ich habe das Auto auf dem Parkplatz stehen.
(= Mein Auto steht auf dem Parkplatz.)
(≠ Das Auto steht auf meinen Parkplatz.)
(≠ Das Auto steht mir auf dem Parkplatz.) :::
There is a curious parallel between this diathesis and the haben+am‑Infinitiv diathesis, see [@sec:zuminfinitive-haben-am]. Both use the light verb haben with an infinitive, they show a similar role-remapping, and semantically they are also highly similar. However, they are used with different verbs. Syntactically, the first difference is that the dative in the current haben+Infinitiv diathesis is the possessor of the locational object, here Nase 'nose' [@next a], while the dative in the haben+am‑Infinitiv diathesis is the possessor of the nominative subject, here Wohnung 'house' [@next b]. The second difference is, of course, the extra am preposition. It is a tantalising thought that this am preposition is somehow related to the fact that there is no obligatory location present in that diathesis.
::: ex
- Ein Tropfen hängt ihm an der (seiner) Nase.
Er hat einen Tropfen an seiner Nase hängen. - Die (seine) Wohnung brennt ihm.
Er hat seine Wohnung am brennen. :::
- Position verbs: liegen, stehen, sitzen, hängen, stecken
- Manner-of-position verbs: haften, kleben, lehnen, pendeln
- Der Teller steht auf dem Tisch.
Er hat seinen Teller auf dem Tisch stehen. - Viola Kleßmann aus Charlottenburg gehört nicht zu denen, die am Ende einen roten Punkt an ihrer Teilnehmernummer kleben haben.^[
DWDS: Berliner Zeitung, 28.07.2003.]