diff --git a/CHANGELOG.md b/CHANGELOG.md index ccdb936299d..0d2d3440579 100644 --- a/CHANGELOG.md +++ b/CHANGELOG.md @@ -19,6 +19,7 @@ Note that this project **does not** adhere to [Semantic Versioning](http://semve ### Fixed +- The [HtmlToLaTeXFormatter](https://docs.jabref.org/finding-sorting-and-cleaning-entries/saveactions#html-to-latex) keeps single `<` characters. - We fixed a performance regression when opening large libraries [#9041](https://github.com/JabRef/jabref/issues/9041) ### Removed diff --git a/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/formatter/bibtexfields/HtmlToLatexFormatter.java b/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/formatter/bibtexfields/HtmlToLatexFormatter.java index c04f400a54c..33664983425 100644 --- a/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/formatter/bibtexfields/HtmlToLatexFormatter.java +++ b/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/formatter/bibtexfields/HtmlToLatexFormatter.java @@ -44,7 +44,12 @@ public String format(String text) { int c = result.charAt(i); if (c == '<') { + int oldI = i; i = readTag(result, i); + if (oldI == i) { + // just a single <, which needs to be kept + sb.append('<'); + } } else { sb.append((char) c); } diff --git a/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporter.java b/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporter.java index f2b9da53382..c7f78d794ac 100644 --- a/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporter.java +++ b/src/main/java/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporter.java @@ -14,12 +14,15 @@ import java.nio.file.StandardOpenOption; import java.util.ArrayList; import java.util.Collections; +import java.util.EnumSet; import java.util.HashMap; import java.util.List; import java.util.Locale; import java.util.Map; import java.util.Objects; import java.util.Optional; +import java.util.StringJoiner; +import java.util.function.Predicate; import java.util.stream.Collectors; import java.util.zip.ZipEntry; import java.util.zip.ZipInputStream; @@ -28,6 +31,7 @@ import javax.xml.stream.XMLStreamException; import javax.xml.stream.XMLStreamReader; +import org.jabref.logic.formatter.bibtexfields.HtmlToLatexFormatter; import org.jabref.logic.formatter.bibtexfields.NormalizePagesFormatter; import org.jabref.logic.importer.Importer; import org.jabref.logic.importer.Parser; @@ -59,6 +63,8 @@ public class CitaviXmlImporter extends Importer implements Parser { private static final Logger LOGGER = LoggerFactory.getLogger(CitaviXmlImporter.class); private static final byte UUID_LENGTH = 36; private static final byte UUID_SEMICOLON_OFFSET_INDEX = 37; + private static final EnumSet QUOTATION_TYPES = EnumSet.allOf(QuotationTypeMapping.class); + private final HtmlToLatexFormatter htmlToLatexFormatter = new HtmlToLatexFormatter(); private final NormalizePagesFormatter pagesFormatter = new NormalizePagesFormatter(); private final Map knownPersons = new HashMap<>(); @@ -363,17 +369,40 @@ private String getPublisher(CitaviExchangeData.References.Reference data) { } private String getKnowledgeItem(CitaviExchangeData.References.Reference data) { - Optional knowledgeItem = knowledgeItems.getKnowledgeItem().stream().filter(p -> data.getId().equals(p.getReferenceID())).findFirst(); + StringJoiner comment = new StringJoiner("\n\n"); + List foundItems = knowledgeItems.getKnowledgeItem().stream().filter(p -> data.getId().equals(p.getReferenceID())).toList(); + for (KnowledgeItem knowledgeItem : foundItems) { + Optional title = Optional.ofNullable(knowledgeItem.getCoreStatement()).filter(Predicate.not(String::isEmpty)); + title.ifPresent(t -> comment.add("# " + cleanUpText(t))); + + Optional text = Optional.ofNullable(knowledgeItem.getText()).filter(Predicate.not(String::isEmpty)); + text.ifPresent(t -> comment.add(cleanUpText(t))); + + Optional pages = Optional.ofNullable(knowledgeItem.getPageRangeNumber()).filter(range -> range != -1); + pages.ifPresent(p -> comment.add("page range: " + p)); + + Optional quotationTypeDesc = Optional.ofNullable(knowledgeItem.getQuotationType()).flatMap(type -> + this.QUOTATION_TYPES.stream() + .filter(qt -> type == qt.getCitaviIndexType()) + .map(QuotationTypeMapping::getName).findFirst()); + quotationTypeDesc.ifPresent(qt -> comment.add(String.format("quotation type: %s", qt))); + + Optional quotationIndex = Optional.ofNullable(knowledgeItem.getQuotationIndex()); + quotationIndex.ifPresent(index -> comment.add(String.format("quotation index: %d", index))); + } + return comment.toString(); + } - StringBuilder comment = new StringBuilder(); - Optional title = knowledgeItem.map(item -> item.getCoreStatement()); - title.ifPresent(t -> comment.append("# ").append(t).append("\n\n")); - Optional text = knowledgeItem.map(item -> item.getText()); - text.ifPresent(t -> comment.append(t).append("\n\n")); - Optional pages = knowledgeItem.map(item -> item.getPageRangeNumber()).filter(range -> range != -1); - pages.ifPresent(p -> comment.append("page range: ").append(p)); + String cleanUpText(String text) { + String result = removeSpacesBeforeLineBreak(text); + result = result.replaceAll("(? cleanUpText() { + return Stream.of( + Arguments.of("no action", "no action"), + Arguments.of("\\{action\\}", "{action}"), + Arguments.of("\\}", "}")); + } + + @ParameterizedTest + @MethodSource + void cleanUpText(String expected, String input) { + assertEquals(expected, citaviXmlImporter.cleanUpText(input)); + } +} diff --git a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest1.bib b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest1.bib index fa76ae836e5..768ea036e15 100644 --- a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest1.bib +++ b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest1.bib @@ -8,7 +8,29 @@ @Article{ "Counterfeited drugs are drugs that are not authentic and have been manufactured using incorrect quantities, or incorrect ingredients, to either reduce the potency, or nullify the potency of drugs altogether, and the same is applicable to food counterfeit." -page range: 24}, +page range: 24 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Advantages of RFID + +"With RFID, drugs can be tracked at the item level throughout the supply chain. Individual packages are tagged at manufacturing and then read serially, in-bulk throughout the distribution chain. The read points include tag application, case packaging, total tracking throughout distribution and item level tracking and authentication at the pharmacy. With RFID, the entire drug supply chain becomes more efficient and secure." + +page range: 27 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Digital mass serialization in the supply chain + +page range: 28 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 2}, } @Book{, @@ -29,7 +51,11 @@ @Article{ "…zero tolerance of risks is not feasible for the majority of foods and the majority of safety contexts." -page range: 176}, +page range: 176 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, } @Misc{, @@ -58,7 +84,9 @@ @Misc{ I wonder if there's any way to work this into the paper? Perhaps in the introduction? -}, +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 0}, keywords = {Todd, Sweeney (legendary character)}, publisher = {Warner Home Video}, } @@ -79,7 +107,11 @@ @Article{ “Meat smuggling and food adulteration are rampant in China. In these cases, the suspects are accused of using gelatin, red pigment, and nitrates to alter the dead pigs, ducks, and rats. Chinese food production is now on a larger scale and more technological, and sophisticated technology is being used to beat regulators and cheat customers. Tainted meats are an ongoing problem.” -page range: 2147483647}, +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, keywords = {China, Food safety, Fraud, Humans, Meat}, } @@ -103,17 +135,84 @@ @Article{ “In the wake of the horsemeat scandal of 2013, a pan-European mechanism to ensure the rapid exchange of information between national authorities and the Commission in cases of suspected fraudulent practices was set up.” -page range: 1}, -} +page range: 1 -@Article{, - title = {EUR 230 million worth of fake food and beverages seized in global OPSON operation targeting food fraud}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# 2015 statistics - European Food Fraud Network + +“In 2015, 108 cases were exchanged by the Food Fraud Network.” + +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Types of violations + +“...alleged violations were mostly related to labelling noncompliance (notably with regard to ingredients mislabelling), suspicion of illegal exports, and prohibited treatments and/or processes applied to a certain foodstuff (e.g. addition of synthetic glycerol to wine).” + +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Illegal exports and exchanges on fish products most common incidents (2015 Food Fraud Network) + +“The majority of exchanges that took place in the Network in 2015 concerned suspicion of illegal exports, followed by exchanges on fish and fish products. Importantly, however, statistical conclusions related to potential "food fraud" cases in Europe cannot be drawn from these data given that Member States may also exchange information outside of the FFN and that cases which do not have a cross-border dimension, i.e. which occur at purely national level, are not exchanged via the Network.” + +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3}, +} +@article{, abstract = {Operation OPSON VI, the joint Europol-INTERPOL operation targeting counterfeit and substandard food and drink, as well as the organised crime networks behind this illicit trade, has resulted in the seizure of 9 800 tonnes, over 26.4 million litres, and 13 million units/items worth an estimated EUR 230 million of potentially harmful food and beverages ranging from every day products such as alcohol, mineral water, seasoning cubes, seafood and olive oil, to luxury goods such as caviar.}, - comment = {# Results of recent 61-country operation to check for food fraud (12/1/2016 - 03/31/2017) + comment = {# Results of recent 61-country operation to check for food fraud (12/1/2016 - 03/31/2017) “Operation OPSON VI, the joint Europol-INTERPOL operation targeting counterfeit and substandard food and drink, as well as the organised crime networks behind this illicit trade, has resulted in the seizure of 9 800 tonnes, over 26.4 million litres, and 13 million units/items worth an estimated EUR 230 million of potentially harmful food and beverages ranging from every day products such as alcohol, mineral water, seasoning cubes, seafood and olive oil, to luxury goods such as caviar.” -page range: 2147483647}, +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Summary of number and location of checks + +“More than 50 000 checks were carried out at shops, markets, airports, seaports and industrial estates.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Quote from Françoise Dorcier, Coordinator of INTERPOL’s Illicit Goods and Global Health Programme + +“This operation has once again shown that criminals will fake any type of food and drink with no thought to the human cost as long as they make a profit. Whilst thousands of counterfeit goods have been taken out of circulation, we continue to encourage the public to remain vigilant about the products they buy.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Findings in Europe + +Violations were related to food safety concerns and smuggling but also counterfeiting and food fraud. One example is the labeling of hazelnuts that were checked in Germany and determined to be other types of nuts. In Italy mineral water was determined to be fraudulent and unsafe. In Italy red wine was also found to be fraudulent and adulterated with additional alcohol. In Denmark olive oil was found to be fraudulent. + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 3}, + title = {EUR 230 million worth of fake food and beverages seized in global OPSON operation targeting food fraud}, } @Book{, @@ -166,7 +265,29 @@ @Article{ “It is deception of consumers using food products, ingredients and packaging for economic gain and includes substitution, unapproved enhancements, misbranding, counterfeiting, stolen goods or others. Unlike food defence, which protects against tampering with intent to harm, the consumers’ health risk of food fraud often occurs through negligence or lack of knowledge on the fraudsters’ part and can be more dangerous than traditional food safety risks because the contaminants are unconventional.” -page range: 2}, +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Different topic areas and how they relate intentional and unintentional food fraud + +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# GFSI's recommendations to food industry to mitigate risk of food fraud + +“Secondly, appropriate control measures shall be put in place to reduce the risks from these vulnerabilities. These control measures can include a monitoring strategy, a testing strategy, origin verification, specification management, supplier audits and anti-counterfeit technologies. A clearly documented control plan outlines when, where and how to mitigate fraudulent activities.” + +page range: 3 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2}, } @Article{, @@ -174,11 +295,69 @@ @Article{ title = {Modern analytical methods for the detection of food fraud and adulteration by food category}, year = {[In press]}, abstract = {This review provides current information on the analytical methods used to identify food adulteration in the six most adulterated food categories: animal origin and seafood, oils and fats, beverages, spices and sweet foods (e.g. honey), grain-based food, and others (organic food and dietary supplements). The analytical techniques, both conventional and emerging, used to identify adulteration in these six food categories involve sensory, physicochemical, DNA-based, chromatographic, and spectroscopic methods, and have been combined with chemometrics, making these techniques more convenient and effective for the analysis of a broad variety of food products. Despite recent advances, a need remains for suitably sensitive and widely applicable methodologies that will encompass all the various aspects of food adulteration.}, - comment = {# Definition of food fraud (Hong et al) + comment = {# Definition of food fraud (Hong et al) “The key characteristics of food fraud are noncompliance with food laws and/or misleading the consumer, intentional fraud, and the purpose of financial gain.” -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Typical kinds of adulterated foods + +“In general, foods and food ingredients commonly associated with food fraud include oil, fish, honey, milk and dairy products, meat products, grain-based foods, fruit juices, wine and alcoholic beverages, organic foods, spices, coffee, tea, and some highly processed foods.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Mass spectrometry is the type of testing used for most types of food + +“A notable observation is that MS is used extensively in most food categories, and is also the most frequently used method in the analysis of spices, extracts, cereals, grains, and pulses.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Most common detection method by food category + +“Detection methods were ranked according to their number of uses in the literature. MS accounted for the largest proportion at 20.6%; PCR for 18.5%, and LC for 11.6%. MS also accounted for the greatest proportion in Asian countries and South Korea (20.7% and 38.1%, respectively). A notable observation is that MS is used extensively in most food categories, and is also the most frequently used method in the analysis of spices, extracts, cereals, grains, and pulses. However, LC and GC are also used to a significant degree for spices, oils, and organic foods. NMR is used frequently to discriminate the authenticity of oils, cereals, grains, alcoholic beverages and fruit juices. PCR is the predominant detection technology used for the food categories of meat and meat products, fish and seafood, and milk and milk products. In addition to MS, HPLC and LC are often used for fruits, fruit juices, and sweeteners. IR spectroscopy, Raman, immunosorbent assays (e.g., ELISA), and biosensors are used less when compared with the other detection methods.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3 + +# Four categories used when authenticating meat + +“Authentication problems with respect to meat and meat products are grouped into four major categories: meat species, meat processing treatment (cooked meat, and fresh versus thawed meat), meat geographic origin, and non-meat ingredient addition (additives and water).” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# DNA-based techniques most popular for meat authentication testing + +“The most common methodologies used to determine the authenticity of meat and meat products are unquestionably DNA-based techniques: real-time PCR, multiplex PCR, and species-specific PCR.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5 + +# Meat usually adulterated with pork and testing can be an issue to detect if the meat is minced or processed + +“A frequent adulteration of meat products is the addition of pork to beef products, which is done for economic gain. Particularly for minced and homogenized meat products, the development of a method to identify species is an important authenticity issue.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 6 + +# How fish and seafood are typically adulterated + +“Forms of fish and seafood fraud include intentionally increasing the product weight and using illegal additives in production. Methods to increase weight include adding excess water to frozen product (overglazing), soaking products such as scallops in sodium tripolyphosphate so that they retain water, and overbreading.” + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 7}, } @Article{, @@ -231,7 +410,281 @@ @Article{ pages = {R823--R834}, volume = {81}, abstract = {Intentional food crime is plural in nature in terms of the types of crime and the differing levels of financial gain. Successful models of food crime are dependent on how well the crime has been executed and at what point, or even if, detection actually occurs. The aim of this paper is to undertake a literature review and critique the often contradictory definitions that can be found in the literature in order to compare and contrast existing food crime risk assessment tools and their application. Food safety, food defense, and food fraud risk assessments consider different criteria in order to determine the degree of situational risk for each criteria and the measures that need to be implemented to mitigate that risk. Further research is required to support the development of global countermeasures, that are of value in reducing overall risk even when the potential hazards may be largely unknown, and specific countermeasures that can act against unique risks.}, - comment = {page range: 823}, + comment = {page range: 823 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +page range: 823 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 1 + +page range: 823 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 2 + +page range: 823 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 3 + +page range: 823 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 4 + +page range: 824 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 5 + +page range: 824 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 6 + +page range: 824 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 7 + +page range: 825 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 8 + +page range: 825 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 9 + +page range: 825 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 10 + +page range: 826 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 11 + +page range: 826 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 12 + +page range: 829 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 13 + +page range: 829 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 14 + +page range: 830 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 15 + +page range: 830 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 16 + +page range: 830 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 17 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 18 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 19 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 20 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 21 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 22 + +page range: 833 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 23 + +# Terminological difficulties - contamination vs. adulteration + +Sometimes in U.S. literature "contamination" = unintentional, while "adulteration" = intentional + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 24 + +# Concept of food safety is changing + +Unintentional and intentional contamination used to be considered together, now they are often looked at separately. + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 25 + +# High demand and low supply can create the conditions for food fraud + +“The potential for food crime is often influenced by a difference between availability and demand, creating an opportunity for criminals or fraudsters to financially benefit from the shortfall.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 26 + +# Definition of food crime (Manning & Soon) + +“...food crime occurs when food is intentionally modified in order to bring harm to individuals or for purposes of economic gain and both situations may lead to issues of food safety or food quality.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 27 + +# Example of food crime through intentional neglect + +See PDF + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 28 + +# Definition of food defense (Manning & Soon) + +“Therefore, food defense has been said to reflect the protection activities, and/or the security assurance process or procedures that deliver product safety with regard to intentional acts of adulteration.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 29 + +# Types of food crime + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 30 + +# Definition of crime vulnerability + +“Crime vulnerability can be defined as the extent to which an individual, organization, supply chain or national food system is at risk from, or susceptible to, attack, emotional injury or physical harm, or damage from an intentional act.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 31 + +# Drivers behind food crime and food defense + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 32 + +# There needs to be a better understanding of what motivates food criminals + +“Food defense needs to consider the perpetrator, the relevance of impact, and their motivation to cause harm. Food fraud is driven by singular motivation, that is, the desire for gain, and in order to implement appropriate countermeasures, the motivational element of food fraud needs to be fully understood.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 33 + +# Intentional and unintentional adulteration + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 34 + +# Differences between GFSI (2014) and FSIS (2014) and FAO (2003) + +See PDF + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 35 + +# Both scientific and social scientific criteria needed for risk assessment + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Highlight in red + +quotation index: 36 + +# Plurality of food crime makes it difficult to define which in turn makes it difficult to create policies to fight it + +“Intentional food crime is plural in nature in terms of the types of crime and the differing levels of financial gain. This can also be said in terms of the multiplicity of definitions of food safety, food defense, food fraud, and food quality found in both academic and gray literature. This plurality creates confusion and multiple interpretations when FCRA is adopted and implemented.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 37}, keywords = {Crime, Food safety, Fraud, Humans, Risk Assessment}, } @@ -248,9 +701,11 @@ @Article{ author = {Millward, Steven}, title = {Alibaba to use blockchain to fight China’s fake food}, abstract = {Fake soy sauce, fake rice, fake eggs – those are all actual and potentially deadly items found in China. The tech behind Bitcoin could help everyone avoid the problem.}, - comment = {# Fake egg found on sale in China in 2012 + comment = {# Fake egg found on sale in China in 2012 + +quotation type: Image quotation -}, +quotation index: 0}, keywords = {Asia, Jakarta, Singapore, Tokyo}, } @@ -264,6 +719,144 @@ @Article{ } @Article{, + comment = {quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 1 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 2 + +# Most often food fraud is not likely to cause health problems, but it does lead to lower quality food + +“The common factor in many cases of food fraud, is that the adulterant is neither a food safety hazard, nor readily identified (as this would defeat the aim of the fraudster). Common adulterants include water and sugar, or ingredients that may be legitimately used and declared, but whose improper use constitutes fraud. Food fraud deceives the consumers by providing them with lower quality foodstuff, against their knowledge and will.” + +page range: 4 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3 + +# Steps for prevention + +“A general approach to prevent food fraud can be summarised as follows: +• Conduct vulnerability assessment, including: +– Know your materials and risks (history, economic factors, geographical origins, physical state, emerging issues); +– Know your suppliers (manufacturer, broker, history); + – Know your supply chain (length, complexity, supply & demand arrangements, ease of access); + – Know your existing control measures. +• Design mitigation strategy and implement mitigation measures. +• Validate and verify mitigation measures, continually review food fraud management system.” + +page range: 6 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# Factors that can contribute to fraud + +“Factors such as the demand for a specific ingredient (volume), the extent of its use (ingredient used in several products and businesses), or the market price fluctuation may contribute to an increased level of vulnerability to fraud.” + +page range: 6 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5 + +# Increases in prices for an ingredient and rarity are good conditions for fraud + +“Any anomaly in the economics of particular raw material sources is an indicator of the raw material potential vulnerability. Drastic increases in market price and scarce supplies of a raw material (e.g. poor harvest following bad weather, or caused by a new parasite) are good indicators of increased raw material vulnerability based on economic anomalies.” + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 6 + +# Geopolitical considerations + +“Geopolitical considerations are also important to characterise vulnerability to food fraud. A country-specific low price compared with the rest of the market may indicate a lack of food control and/or regulatory/enforcement framework in the country of origin (or any other country through which the ingredient may transit).” + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 7 + +# Vulnerability factors vs. control measures + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 8 + +# What's needed to judge food fraud risk + +“In summary, assessing the risk of fraud for a food ingredient requires the understanding of the inherent raw material vulnerabilities, the business vulnerabilities, and the existing controls in place.” + +page range: 9 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 9 + +# Two types of raw material monitoring + +“Raw material monitoring should be performed using appropriate analytical methods for the verification of authenticity. The methods must be selective, specific, and of appropriate sensitivity to verify that the food authenticity process is efficient. There are 2 approaches: + • Targeted analyses (linked to parameters specified in raw material specifications); + • Untargeted techniques (fingerprinting) that assess the raw material integrity against adulteration.” + +page range: 10 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 10 + +# Businesses should use suppliers they can trust and who will share processes with them + +“Confidence is increased with a supplier’s readiness to share information on their supply chain and processes. This is why the development of trusted suppliers (rather than continuous rotation) is important in mitigating the risk of food fraud. The closer the relationship, the lower the risk.” + +page range: 11 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 11 + +# Auditing examples + +“More targeted examination may be carried out by auditors during audits at a specific raw material production/handling site. For example on a meat production site – auditors may detect the presence of unapproved flavours, dyes or preservatives in the production and/or storage areas. On a poultry production site – auditors may look for the presence of equipment used to inject brine.” + +page range: 14 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 12 + +# Definition of EMA (economically-motivated adulteration) + +“EMA is the intentional sale of substandard food products or ingredients for the purpose of economic gain. Common types of EMA include substitution or dilution of an authentic ingredient with a cheaper product (such as replacing extra virgin olive oil with a cheaper oil), flavour or colour enhancement using illicit or unapproved substances (such as unapproved dyes), and substitution of one species with another (such as fish species fraud).” + +page range: 16 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 13 + +# Recommendations for consumers for avoiding food fraud + +“Whole, unprocessed foods (such as unground coffee and spices, or whole fruits instead of juice) are more difficult to adulterate, therefore buying these foods may offer some reassurance with regards to fraud. As for processed foods, it is a good idea to buy from reputable sources and brands that have a vested interest in protecting their reputation.” + +page range: 18 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 14}, title = {Food Fraud}, pages = {13}, } @@ -314,6 +907,23 @@ @Article{ title = {Leveraging blockchain to improve food supply chain traceability}, year = {2016-11-16}, abstract = {Leveraging blockchain for food supply chain tracking and authentication, is critical to finding and helping to address sources of contamination worldwide.}, + comment = {quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 1 + +# How blockchain works when applied to the food supply chain + +“When applied to the food supply chain, digital product information such as farm origination details, batch numbers, factory and processing data, expiration dates, storage temperatures and shipping detail are digitally connected to food items and the information is entered into the blockchain along every step of the process.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2}, } @Book{, @@ -331,11 +941,35 @@ @Misc{ title = {A proper mouthful}, year = {2016-02-26}, abstract = {From fake eggs to horsemeat burgers, food fraud is common, but hard to detect. How can we be sure that what we’re eating is the real thing?}, - comment = {# Adulteration usually not complete subsitution but attempt to cover up something in the food + comment = {# Adulteration usually not complete subsitution but attempt to cover up something in the food Usually it's an attempt to mask something in the food and is not an outright 100% substitution. -page range: 2147483647}, +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Adulteration can occur with almost all types of food + +“Pretty much every food is vulnerable. ” + +page range: 0 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Testing in UK has revealed widespread adulteration or misrepresentation of ingredients + +“Since the horsemeat scandal, UK testing has revealed that 40% of lamb takeaways contain other meat, and more than 60% of ham and cheese pizzas tested contained neither ham nor cheese.” + +page range: 1 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2}, keywords = {Food and drink industry, Food safety, Food science, Horsemeat scandal, The meat industry}, } @@ -351,9 +985,21 @@ @Article{ title = {GFSI direction on food fraud and vulnerability assessment (VACCP)}, year = {2014-05-08}, abstract = {In February 2014 the Global Food Safety Initiative (GFSI) presented their direction for including Food Fraud in their Food Safety Management System.  They have adopted a holistic Food Fraud scope and have shifted their focus from risks to vulnerabilities.}, - comment = {# GFSI Approach to Food Fraud Prevention + comment = {# GFSI Approach to Food Fraud Prevention + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation -page range: 2147483647}, +quotation index: 0 + +# GFSI Terminology Comparison + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 1}, } @Article{, @@ -363,7 +1009,245 @@ @Article{ pages = {R157--R163}, volume = {76}, abstract = {Food fraud, including the more defined subcategory ofeconomically motivated adulteration, is a food risk that is gaining recognition and concern. Regardless ofthe cause ofthe food risk, adulteration offood is both an industry and a government responsibility. Food safety, food fraud, and food defense incidents can create adulteration offood with public health threats. Food fraud is an intentional act for economic gain, whereas a food safety incident is an unintentional act with unintentional harm, and a food defense incident is an intentional act with intentional harm. Economically motivated adulteration may be just that—economically motivated—but the food-related public health risks are often more risky than traditional food safety threats because the contaminants are unconventional. Current intervention systems are not designed to look for a near infinite number ofpotential contaminants. The authors developed the core concepts reported here following comprehensive research ofarticles and reports, expert elicitation, and an extensive peer review. The intent of this research paper is to provide a base reference document for defining food fraud—it focuses specifically on the public health threat—and to facilitate a shift in focus from intervention to prevention. This will subsequently provide a framework for future quantitative or innovative research. The fraud opportunity is deconstructed using the criminology and behavioral science applications ofthe crime triangle and the chemistry ofthe crime. The research provides a food risk matrix and identifies food fraud incident types. This project provides a starting point for future food science, food safety, and food defense research.}, - comment = {page range: 157}, + comment = {page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 1 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 2 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 3 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 4 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 5 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 6 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 7 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 8 + +page range: 157 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 9 + +page range: 158 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 10 + +page range: 158 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 11 + +page range: 158 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 12 + +page range: 158 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 13 + +page range: 160 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 14 + +page range: 161 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 15 + +page range: 161 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 16 + +page range: 162 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 17 + +page range: 162 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 18 + +# Definitions of food fraud, food safety incidents, and food defense incidents + +“Food Fraud is an intentional act for economic gain, whereas a food safety incident is an unintentional act with unintentional harm, and a food defense incident is an intentional act with intentional harm.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 19 + +# Where food fraud fits as a term + +“Food fraud is a broader term than either the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) definition of economically motivated adulteration (EMA) or the more specific general concept of food counterfeiting.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 20 + +# Difference between fraud in ancient and contemporary times + +Although fraud existed, it was geographically limited. Today the scale can be vast. + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 21 + +# Definition of food fraud (Spink & Moyer) + +“Food fraud is a collective term used to encompass the deliberate and intentional substitution, addition, tampering, or misrepresentation of food, food ingredients, or food packaging; or false or misleading statements made about a product, for economic gain.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 22 + +# Components of a food protection plan + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 23 + +# Direct food fraud risk definition + +“Direct food fraud risk occurs when the consumer is put at immediate or imminent risk, such as the inclusion of an acutely toxic or lethal contaminant; that is, one exposure can cause adverse effects in the whole or a smaller at-risk population.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 24 + +# Indirect food fraud risk - definition + +“Indirect food fraud risk occurs when the consumer is put at risk through long-term exposure, such as the buildup of a chronically toxic contaminant in the body, through the ingestion of low doses. Indirect risk also includes the omission of beneficial ingredients, such as preservatives or vitamins.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 25 + +# Technical food fraud risk - definition + +“Technical food fraud risk is nonmaterial in nature. For example, food documentation fraud occurs when product content or country-of-origin information is deliberately misrepresented.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 26 + +# Differences between food fraud and food defense + +Food fraud not intended to cause harm to the public and may be ongoing until detected. Food defense incidents are usually one-time events and are designed to cause harm. + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 27 + +# Food protection risk matrix + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 28 + +# How to reduce likelihood of food fraud + +“Fraud opportunities could be reduced by increasing the risk of detection, or increasing the costs of the necessary technology to commit the fraud and/or of developing quality levels that would attract consumers.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 29 + +# Reasons enforcing food fraud laws is difficult + +“Effective enforcement is a challenge because the food fraud risk is emerging, evolving and extremely complex.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 30 + +# What is needed to prevent food fraud + +“Deterring food fraud requires interdisciplinary research combining criminology with other fields, such as food safety, public health, packaging, food science, food law, supply chain management, consumer behavior, social anthropology, and political science. Focusing on the criminal component ofthe crime triangle provides insights to the motivations for seeking food fraud opportunities.” + +page range: 2147483647 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 31}, keywords = {Consumer product safety, Food safety methods, Fraud, Risk Assessment, Risk Factors, Terrorism}, } @@ -417,7 +1301,57 @@ @Article{ year = {2016}, pages = {106--8}, volume = {59}, - comment = {page range: 106}, + comment = {page range: 106 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +# Why identifying species in certain food products is difficult + +“Globally, there is still inadequate regulation for species identification in food products, such as sliced and minced jerky. The main problem is that, after food processing, livestock products are morphologically indistinguishable because of the lack of discriminative features such as skull, fur, and tails.” + +page range: 106 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# DNA barcoding use + +“DNA barcoding uses a short, standardized region to distinguish different taxa at the species level.” + +page range: 106 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +page range: 106 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 3 + +# Example of food adulteration in a test of yak meat jerky + +“Only nine yak jerky samples were identified as yak (Bos grunniens) samples, whereas the other 21 were found to be adulterated (70%). Among the substituted samples, 18 (60%) were identified as beef meat (Bos taurus), buffalo beef (Bubalus bubalis), or pig meat (Sus scrofa). The other three samples (10%) were identified as those of small mammals, including the lesser striped shrew (Sorex bedfordiae) and the Chinese mole shrew (Anourosorex squamipes).” + +page range: 107 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# Percentage of yak jerky products that were adulterated + +“...90%, 75%, and 56% of yak jerky products were fraudulent in consumer markets of Kunming, Chengdu, and Xining, respectively.” + +page range: 108 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5}, keywords = {Cattle genetics, China, DNA Barcoding, Food contamination, Food safety, Fraud, Hazard analysis and critical control points, Meat, Preserved food, RNA}, } @@ -457,11 +1391,41 @@ @Article{ author = {Fassam, Liam and Dani, Samir and Hills, Mils}, title = {Supply chain food crime & fraud}, pages = {659--666}, - comment = {# Research not having any effect on food fraud incidents + comment = {# Research not having any effect on food fraud incidents “Our analysis of the literature indicates that within the areas of business risk and resilience, publications focus on aggregate event-driven cause and effect relationships. Events in the food supply chain over the past two years has evidenced a disconnect between outcomes of research and actual impact. Little is being done to limit the exposure to risk and provide support to the food businesses of Europe, of which a majority are food manufacturing companies....” -page range: 660}, +page range: 660 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Disconnect between academic and public interest in food fraud + +page range: 662 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Factors leading to food fraud in the supply chain + +page range: 664 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Another problem of terminology: US uses "food fraud" and UK and Europe use "food crime" in the research + +“Finally, there is a further challenge in this area with confusion over terminology - as highlighted by the Elliot report (Elliott, 2013) - where US led systems prefer the use of ‘fraud’ and European based research adopts ‘crime’, which creates another divergence of topics within the research. The divergence of terminology use is creating confusion in the system and the authors support the need for academia and practitioners to utilise the term ‘food crime’ in order to build and strengthen a coherent body of knowledge.” + +page range: 665 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3}, } @Article{, @@ -479,7 +1443,11 @@ @Article{ “The challenge in such an emerging academic field is that much of the evidence sits in non-academic literature...” -page range: 2}, +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, } @Article{, diff --git a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest2.bib b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest2.bib index f7c61065a91..2e27b84fe26 100644 --- a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest2.bib +++ b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest2.bib @@ -77,7 +77,509 @@ @Book{ Clientelism The biased DP aid to liberal parties in Egypt is a good example for favoritism that is transnational but not clientelism. 151, FN3 -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Specifics of Political aid: information + +> this corresponds to what Krause, quoting Clifford Bob, says about the market for human rights whose product is information. + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 1 + +# The books orientation + +Carapico opens her book with an account of the crackdown on the five "overseas branches of the federally funded quasi-non-governmental National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), the International Center for Journalists, Freedom House, and Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation and several locally headquartered pro- fessional advocacy organizations, including the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and the Arab Center for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers" (1) in Egypt on Dec 29, 2011, and the ensuing controversy or rather: the different readings/interpetations of various parties involved in this conflict (former employees; other Egyptian HR organisations; Egyptian government; US politicians) +I think this is very teling regarding her book's purpose. Her interest is to a certain degree to adjucate between or "sort through such conflicting claims and testimonials about justice, imperialism, and pushback" (2) +After setting the stage with this snippet from political struggles in Egypt, she moves on to a one-page description of what PA has been looking like since 1990 in the region. The paragraph concludes with "This book investigates how such projects work, their proximate out- puts, and the experiences of practitioners." 3 +"My task is to describe and analyze the dynamics of Western or multilateral organizations’ programs ‘promoting’ Arab transitions from authoritari- anism in the context of national, regional, and international politics in the Middle East during two tumultuous decades. The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice." 3 +The list of questions she then comes up with is absurdly long. It is 11 questions, most of them containing three subquestions. 3-4 +Summary of her answers: it's complex ;) +"In response to the basic question of how democracy promotion works in practice, I venture a simple answer, a basic argument, a composite theo- retical structure, and a bottom-line political point. The simple answer is that political-development assistance consists of projects that are carried out by specialized professional agencies working through cross-national institutional channels. The specificities warrant further investigation. The straightforward argument is that institutional arrangements and profes- sional practices across and inside national domains are contextual, com- plex, and often contested. Regardless of nationality, professionals know that transnational engagements in matters of law, elections, gender, and what is ‘non-governmental’ intersect with international and domestic power arrangements in complicated, sometimes counter-intuitive ways. The paradoxes encompass but go beyond what a famous historian called the collocation of “megalomania and messianism” in macro-level American foreign policy.2 Agents and participant observers reflect ruefully on the mixed motives, messages, and blessings of political aid; ironic convergences of empowerment and power; ethical and practical dilemmas; differently scaled legal-political jurisdictions; grandiose plans gone awry; confluences and disruptures between domestic and international regimes; banal competition over symbolic capital, institutional access, and monetary advantage; and the rarified experience of conferences in fancy off-shore locations."4 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 2 + +# Summary of what PA looked like in the region since 1990 + +European, Canadian, and American experts in ‘political transitions’ had been working in Arab countries for a couple of decades. After the end of the Cold War, more intently after 9/11/2001, and in another spurt after the ‘youth’ uprisings in 2011, professional democracy brokers (and some amateurs) flocked to the region with projects to upgrade legal systems, institutionalize competitive +// elections, encourage female participation, and organize liberal civic net- works. Drawing on dollars, pounds sterling, and euros, often cooperating with United Nations programs, they were employed inside Egypt, Jordan, sometimes Lebanon, the Maghreb countries, Yemen, and the two excep- tional ill-fated cases of Palestine and Iraq. They offered technical advice, collected data, wrote assessments, conducted seminars, ran public infor- mation campaigns, and made grants to national or regional public advo- cacy think tanks for projects on human rights, political reform, civil society, and related topics. Involvement varied over time and space. In some countries, foreign experts offered boilerplates for commercial legis- lation; in Iraq, Americans created new courts. To different degrees, for- eigners participated in electoral events as technical consultants or volunteer monitors. Many donors worked directly with public sector or parastatal institutions such as parliamentary libraries or national councils for women. Other projects provided grants and training to civil society organizations defined as NGOs or CSOs. More broadly, democracy brokers sponsored or co-sponsored virtual networks and transnational conferences on topics such as how to run electoral campaigns, lobby for reforms to family law, or battle press censorship." + +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3 + +# Carapico's questions on political aid + +"The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice. What work gets done, how, by whom, to what effect? Who gets what, when, where, and how? What were the actual channels, mecha- nisms, and institutional practices – inter-governmental, for instance, or non-governmental? Where are the sites of interaction inside or beyond national boundaries? Who are the agents, intermediaries, and audiences? How were goals relating to justice, representation, women’s rights, or civil society framed, routinized, or contested? How did theories about political transitions mesh or clash with pre-existing legal jurisdictions, political institutions, and public civic spheres? When, why and how did client governments embrace or reject overtures? How did initiatives jibe with the aspirations, inspirations, and counter-hegemonic claims of civic +Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 87.77.219.225 on Tue Feb 16 09:28:02 GMT 2016. +http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139022781.001 +Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 20164 Introduction +activists? What did professionals and close-hand observers see as the proximate benefits or risks? How relevant is applied transitology to indig- enous struggles for fair and decent governance? Does political aid advance social justice, representative political institutions, and popular empower- ment; or authoritarian retrenchment; or imperial domination – or what?" + +page range: 3 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# Components of political aid + +"Amidst these complexities, I suggest that it helps to break political aid into its component parts, goals, and fields of specialization. The formal organizing thesis around which this book is structured is that practitioners and researchers in four key sectors – the rule of law sector, projects dealing with formal electoral politics, gender programming, and funding for civil society" + +page range: 4 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5 + +# She sees PA as divided into four distinct sectors + +"Amidst these complexities, I suggest that it helps to break political aid into its component parts, goals, and fields of specialization. The formal organizing thesis around which this book is structured is that practitioners and researchers in four key sectors – the rule of law sector, projects dealing with formal electoral politics, gender programming, and funding for civil society – each identify distinctive terminologies, establishments, and con- tradictions. +Legal scholar-practitioners explore layered articulations, har- monizations, and rifts between and among legal regimes. In Iraq, the disruptures were colossal. It is in the field of elections that Western powers earned their reputation for hypocrisy, because in the Middle East the ‘high politics’ of geo-strategic alliances so often contradicted professional // +election monitoring and/or design. Feminist intellectuals and gender spe- cialists debated cultural and institutional ways of ‘representing’ women. Civil society promotion and hostile counterattacks caused scholars and activists (not that these are mutually exclusive categories) to consider what it means to be governmental or not, national or not; and to analyze ironic convergences and separations between sovereign and transnational man- ners of governmentality." + +page range: 4 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 6 + +# She sees PA as divided into four distinct sectors (Comment) + +I completely disagree. Think of the PD in UNDP were it was decided to give it to women's organisations - because whatelse would you do? and then the RoL project worked on infrastructures in prisons and had to have a civil society component, and did conflict assessment or so.... not much to do with harmonizing laws, aye? +And the civil society organistaions also did a lot of workshops and worked on legal issues - they didn't just debate self-reflectively. + +page range: 4 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 7 + +# Summary of NGO definition and its problems (NGOisation, exclusion) + +"In everyday English usage, the term ‘NGO’ connotes a non-governmental, non-profit, cause-driven association motivated by altruistic intent rather than pecuniary or political gain. NGOs are the good guys. However, scholars who scrutinized the habits of North–South NGO funding already warned us not to think that ‘non-governmental’ is synonymous with ‘democratic.’6 Many scholars and activists have critically interrogated prototypes of NGOs or CSOs as units of civic engagement: this construc- tion, they argue, constitutes a potentially potent classificatory scheme that excludes mass or spontaneous mobilization. One perceptive critic of devel- opment aid argued that civil society promotion amounts to the profession- alization and institutionalization of certain patterns of knowledge.7 The construct of the NGO, originally meant to distinguish independent advocacy from inter-governmental transactions, is problematic.8 The//governmental/non-governmental binary is a convenient dummy variable defining civic energies aphophatically for what they are not. Inside the industry there are a range of rhyming variations distinguishing para- statal qua-NGOs, government-organized GONGOs, royally-organized RONGOs, donor-oriented DONGOs, World Bank initiated BINGOs, and even entrepreneurial B-Y-O (bring-your-own) “bringos.”9 But they all call themselves NGOs, even in Arabic, where in lieu of translation the identical acronym is often rendered in text in Latin alphabet letters or in speech as pronounced in English. Overall, the ubiquitous neologism of the NGO is an imprecise linguistic expression that is left, as we will see, for various governments and donor agencies to define bureaucratically and ideologically. In practice, an NGO is something registered as such with national governments, the United Nations, or donor agencies. In compar- ing and contrasting criteria for inclusion and patronage, this chapter illustrates the politics and paradoxes of ‘NGOization.’ Many observers deduced that political aid stimulated a proliferation of professional, rather than grassroots, NGOs." + +page range: 153 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 8 + +# DP NGOs are (historically) not NGOs + +"Calling Freedom House or NDI or International IDEA non- governmental, with the possible additional implication of apolitical, is not quite accurate. Most Western-based democracy brokers are ‘NGOs’ by fiat: that is, they were created and/or funded by governments to be ‘NGOs.’ During the Cold War, American, British, Canadian, and other NATO legislatures each endowed national ‘non-governmental’ political foundations to foment liberalization and combat communism abroad through unofficial channels.10 NED’s conservative champions envisioned a role now forbidden by Congress to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), of bolstering pro-American opposition parties, unions, and media in countries allied with the Soviet Union or led by left-leaning parties.11" + +page range: 154 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 9 + +# Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor. + +"Shortly thereafter, the German Stiftungen that had pioneered overseas political aid (only to find their efforts to destabilize foreign governments the subject of domestic controversy) won West German federal budgetary support on grounds that they would pursue the national interest by ‘indi- rect’ means.12 Such “semi-private bodies” could engage in political advo- cacy “at two removes,” wrote a prominent European expert: first through the European Commission, then in turn back to the national political foundations.13 Even the relatively few, mostly American organizations with private endowments, notably the Ford Foundation, the Soros Foundation’s Open Society Institute, and the Carter Center at Emory University, helped extend U.S. foreign policy beyond formal governmental agencies.14 Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor. IRI, NDI, the Stiftungen, and kindred agencies are GONGOs or DONGOs as well as NGOs." + +page range: 155 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 10 + +# The difference of Political Aid (in EGy) + +"Civil society promotion via ‘advocacy NGOs’ //was even more intently controversial. In the name of democratic advocacy it differed from welfare-oriented conventional aid in two important ways. First, as already analyzed with respect to projects for women, and unlike economic initiatives with material consequences, the content of political aid was almost entirely informational and ideological. Ergo, its practi- tioners and counterparts were constituted as professional lobbies generat- ing semantic, informational or instructive products. The second contrast is that even though conventional ODA snaked through parastatal and quasi- non-governmental sub-contracting channels, it remained primarily inter- governmental (bilateral or multilateral), administered by mutual consent. By contrast, political aid for NGOs that evaded conceptual and adminis- trative border patrols goaded special pushback from police states. + +page range: 161 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 11 + +# The difference of Political Aid (in EGy) (Comment) + +Somewhere in the chapter on electoral assistance or in the introduction, she made a similar argument about the specifities of political aid (vs. conventional aid) + +page range: 161 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 12 + +# Political Aid organisations are Thinktanks + +"If political aid delivers information, persuasion, and symbiotic meanings, then organizations specialized in democratic transitions overseas resembled think tanks.29 Think tanks are “idea brokers,” professional research agencies with a policy mission that “monitor the latest political developments, pursue short- term research projects, organize seminars and conferences, publish occasional books or reports,” and apply for funds to keep their operations afloat.30 Democracy brokers and political institutes self-identify as think tanks based on the work they do. The turn-of-the-century web sites of the French Socialist Party’s Fondation Jean Jaures and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung of Germany’s Green Party associated themselves with “a wider family of social-democratic foundations, named ‘fondation’ here, ‘think tank’ there, or ‘institut’ else- where”; the Christian Democrats’ Konrad Adenauer Stiftung considered itself a cross between a think tank and a political aid agency. Accordingly, research has shown that projects in the Middle East bolstered certain categories of research and instruction, or counterparts specialized in the production of those categories of information and ideas.31" + +page range: 162 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 13 + +# Civil society programs in EGY and PAL advanced elite advocacy (not grassroots) + +There is research on the mismatch between NGO/advocacy success with donors and grassroots concerns! 163 plus: there is already the acknowledgement that „the impact of civil society programs was (...) at the ‚meso’ level of ‚elite advocacy’.“ 163 + +page range: 163 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 14 + +# Negative effects of NGOisation + +"After a while, foreign consultants found little difference between “hybrid” Palestinian and Lebanese professional research consulting institutions and European counterparts.43 The term “Creolization” implied institutional as well as linguistic cross-breeding.44 Progressive intellectuals formerly in the nationalist vanguard of the first Intifada found themselves recast as “missionaries preaching the importance of advocacy, workshops and training programs,” their energies diverted from grassroots to “deterri- torialized” activism.45 The “project logic” itself as well as the// +“NGOization” of street-level movements transform a social cause into an accounting unit while fostering both a culture of dependency and fancy- hotel modes of consumption.46 This is how it looked to practitioners on the ground." + +page range: 164 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 15 + +# The „genre“ of NGO directories: You can only be Civil Society if you have a physical office. + +„Donors commissioned scores of surveys, studies, and reports on NGO/ CSO landscapes. This was partly a search for suitable sub-contractors and partly a mapping project reflected in the publication of NGO direc- tories. NGO and PVO directories were produced for Egypt, Palestine, Yemen, Jordan, and other countries. The genre is distinctive. A United Nations directory for the West Bank, issued by the Office of the Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories, for instance, provided, in English and Arabic, alphabetically organized in the Latin alphabet, the name, address, phone and fax numbers, officers, background, and activ- ities of each of 400 NGOs in 10 cities and towns. Most also self-identified in English by Roman-alphabet acronyms. Directories were organized more or less like telephone books, with entries clustered by geographic location but not distinguishing among, for instance, the local offices of NDI, the Catholic charity CARITAS founded in Latin America, profes- sional organizations, political party affiliates, development contractors, non-profit law offices, or business networks. The key criterion for inclu- sion is an office address: physical premises. Low-budget, spontaneous, or informal associations would not appear on the map or in the directory. Ultimately, directories seemed to be but were not ‘really’ reliable maps of civil society.“ + +page range: 166 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 16 + +# Describes extremely well how NGOs/CSOs were reshaped + +1) directory +2) adherence to organizational routines (handbooks) +3) status as observer/official registering etc +4) mimicking forms of knowledge (167) +5) formation of networks/federations (167) + +page range: 166 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 17 + +# Strategic Planning as skill to be learned by NGOs + +"It began with 12 pages on why and how NGOs should engage in “strategic planning” based on a clear “mission statement” and well-kept “financial accounts.” " + +page range: 166 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 18 + +# the transformation of NGOs through political aid and the exclusionary mechanisms + +see her details on p.166-168 + +page range: 166 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 19 + +# Strategic Planning as skill to be learned by NGOs (Comment) + +Is it pure coincidence that the same mantra that I hear all the time in Police-BUilding was part of a MEPI manual for NGOs/CSOs + +page range: 166 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 20 + +# The managerial model of social change + +All she has described on pages 166-167 about the demands of MEPI, FFF, USAID boils down to: +"This is a highly mana- gerial model of democratic change." + +page range: 168 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 21 + +# Siphoning away energy + +"Many partners felt that human and material assets were siphoned away from ground-level activism toward paperwork, specialized routines, and organizational meetings. To craft successful grant proposals, native English-speaking exchange student interns were recruited. Professionally produced audits and reports were essential to success. A report to a German foundation gave the example of the Democracy and Workers Rights Center, which in one year produced fourteen audited reports, twenty-five quarterly reports, and twenty-five annual reports for its exter- nal donors, each with its own format. Documentation obligations were so “onerous” that DWRC hired four new administrators and spent more than $70,000 a year “servicing donors.”54 Other organizations in the Territories and across the region spent time and energy entertaining civil society tourist ‘missions’ from abroad that visited with amazing frequency. (Methodologically, this observation urged me to turn away from request- ing personal interviews and toward analyzing published transcripts and public performances.)" + +page range: 168 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 22 + +# Summary of what is wrong with NGOisation + +"Mapping projects, licensing criteria, and ceremonial certifications sig- nify transnational governmentality, here a kind of domination exercised through the denationalization and non-governmentalization of civic involvement. Thematic agendas, declaratory principles, registration pro- cedures, NGO directories, and control of purse-strings impose self- discipline. Many scholarly critics interpreted this as a way of regimenting or foreclosing proletarian and subaltern movements. Latin American and African specialists labeled operational NGOs helping to privatize welfare services “subcontractors” in the “relief and reconstruction complex”55 or “modern-day secular missionaries.”56 Alongside this, and sidelining poverty-alleviating welfare and service entitlements, think tanks were//enlisted to rationalize neo-liberal economic policies and cloister intellec- tual counter-elites into non-confrontational, white-collar activities outside the body politic.57 One observer concluded that “The idealized space where the weak are supposed to be fighting their battles for freedom and justice has been hijacked by segments of the (petite) bourgeoisie who have found their niche in the growing sector of NGOs.”58 Concurrently, the separation of welfare from advocacy seemed to disfavor social justice activism." + +page range: 168 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 23 + +# Battles over both material and symbolic capital + +"These were battles over symbolic capital, monetary resources, and ownership of national narratives about rights and justice. They were also boundary disputes about claims of trespassing. When, whether on their own or in consultation with international agencies, governments created national machineries for women or national human rights councils, they staked rhetorical and institutional claims to feminism and legalism in an ongoing quest for absolute executive jurisdiction. So, for instance, ruling party or family elites could ‘represent’ women. Adversarial rights monitor- ing by professionals trained and/or financed from abroad contradicted those claims. They did so in front of domestic and international audiences, perhaps eroding crony structures. Ruling kleptocrats cloned parastatal GONGOs to recapture not only small change for advocacy projects but also public patriotic narratives; and brought charges of defaming the state or slandering the President against human rights defenders documenting serious abuses. In the highly publicized cases of the imprisonment of Saad Eddine Ibrahim and the Sudanese accountant at the Ibn Khaldun Center,//for instance, opinion was divided as to whether international pressure +failed to keep them from prison or helped eventually to secure his release." + +page range: 175 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 24 + +# Supranational zones of sponsored activism + +"Civil society programming penetrated national territorial and institutional boundaries. In addition it also activated spheres geographically outside and metaphorically above sovereign civic realms. This is the other con- notation of denationalization. I want to call special attention to this supra- national zone of sponsored activism, including the human rights and women’s conferences mentioned in earlier chapters. Intercontinental meet- ings in five-star facilities with trilingual interpreters speaking into head- phones from glassed-in cubicles signaled globalization, extra-territoriality, and de-nationalization. In some ways, the workshops and web sites con- stituted portals of counter-elite expression outside the bounds of national censorship, an opportunity to rail against restraints on association, and to bring abuses into the international limelight. These meetings were rather more upscale than the usual academic conference. They were civil, infor- mative multicultural conversations in zones of harmonization in one way. In another they constituted schizophrenic spaces. They could be seen as air-conditioned hot air; imperial co-optation of bilingual secular counter- elites; or spaces for extra-systemic freedom of association." + +page range: 176 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 25 + +# Regional dimension of DP in the MENA = globalisation?neoliberalisation? + +"All along, there was a strong transnational Arab-regional dimension to democracy promotion in the Middle East, in the tier between domestic and global. Considerable material and symbolic capital was invested in NGO networks of the caliber invited to the Forum for the Future and dozens of other high-end summits. These extra-territorial Arab and Mediterranean consortia, pretty much outside the Arab League’s purview, went unnoticed in national case studies of domestic civil society or bilateral aid programs. But they were a salient component of political aid. The Ibn Khaldun Center’s founder counted among the non-governmental federations “inspired or induced” by the world-wide UN conferences in the nineties the Arab Democracy Network, the Arab Organization of Human Rights, the Arab Network for the Protection of Human Rights Activists, and the Cairo-based Arab NGOs Network.78 In a complex co-sponsorship, the Ford Foundation in Cairo and UNDP jointly backed affiliations of interna- tional, Arab, and national organizations with IFEX, the International//Freedom of Information Exchange that raised both public and corporate money for its projects. MEPI, the World Bank, the OECD, UNDP and others fostered an Arab Center for the Rule of Law and Integrity head- quartered in Beirut, with a branch in Amman and associates in ten other Arab countries. In 2010, something called the Network of Think Tanks for Developing Countries was hosted by the Egyptian Cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Center with support from the Japan Foundation, the Swedish Institute of Alexandria, UNDP, and other agencies. +These were interlocking webs. Their proliferation beyond and inside national domains was consistent with a theory of transnational non- governmental governmentality in an era of neo-liberal globalization, which is often thought to erode the conceptual boundaries of states. Practitioners knew this. At a World Bank meeting for NGO delegations under the Mediterranean Development Forum sessions, one contributor remarked on the “the rising influence of the donor-civil-society nexus.”79 A self-identified pro-market civil society think tank, Maroc 2020, associ- ated with a Bank-sponsored Global Development Network, hosted a Club de Madrid study of ways to strengthen rights of association financed by the European Commission’s Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights and the United Nations Fund for Democracy. These examples of quasi-non- inter-governmental matrices were symptomatic of globalization, and intensified transnationalism in the Mediterranean, closely allied with the neo-liberal Washington consensus. These trajectories are not self- actualizing, however; the counter-offensive was fierce. + +page range: 176 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 26 + +# summary of dialectical dynamics between nationalisation and de-natioanlistaion, DP and backlash + +"These dynamics seemed dialectical. Domestic repression banished organizers to offshore portals and international councils, where they con- tinued domestic struggles in the transnational/pan-Arab arena. Yet these venues had their own discursive price of admission and conditions of patronage. Oppressive internal restrictions legitimated outside interfer- ence, which prompted greater repression, which impelled the intensifica- tion of transnational schemes, which generated yet more intense backlash. In an age of globalization, dictatorship helped create the circumstances for its own negation in the form of extra-territorial activism. Simultaneously, donors’ civil society programming seemingly intensified counter-reactions in the form of upgraded predatory curbs on organizational freedoms. The outcome, then, was a synthetic transitory space for elite activism that at least partly eluded both national and global forms of authority, but was itself a zone of highly antagonistic politics. At the end of this chapter we//will listen to more commentary from bilingual intellectuals about their experiences in that space, which echo some of the wisecracks from women cited in the previous chapter." + +page range: 182 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 27 + +# DP and the Egyptian Revolution + +"did civil society promotion foment rebellion? +'Not only were the democracy-promotion projects marginal within the political landscape in Egypt, meaning that the overwhelming majority of activists avoided them like the plague because they knew it would be a kiss of death for their//credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113" FN 113:credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113 + +page range: 188 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 28 + +# The standard (indigenous) critique of DP + +"For over a decade before 2011, bilingual Arab intellectuals and other local project partners echoed widespread public skepticism about the parlances and mechanisms of civil society promotion. Mindful of colonial histories, invasions, and military backing for national security states, they took a critical view of definitions of terrorism as anti-systemic rather than struc- tural violence, calls for technocratic ‘reform’ over real elections, and purely ceremonial inclusion in international civil society forums.115 The fixation with NGOs, international funding of NGOs, liberalization of NGO laws, and non-governmental representation at international conferences seemed to misconstrue bases of social solidarity in Afghanistan, Palestine, and elsewhere, wrote one observer.116 To most, it appeared that democracy ‘promotion’ was designed to foreclose prospects for unruly or take-to-the- streets revolutionary upheavals by entrusting democratization to paid Western consultants and their slick promotional advertisements." + +page range: 189 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 29 + +# The main paradox is known! + +"Bilingual public intellectuals invited to international conferences spoke frequently about the paradoxes of civil society sponsorship and the patron-//client relationship between Middle Eastern invitees and Atlantic backers." + +page range: 189 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 30 + +# A transnational clientelistic relationship? + +It's a pretty harsh but probably accurate cirticism, and it is later repeated with a different label, calling the catering to donor preferences "corruption" + +page range: 189 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 31 + +# More criticism of donor-civil society relation + +"A Cairo seminar called International Aspects of the Arab Human Rights Movement dwelt on what one discussant called “risks” of accepting invitations to international conferences that come “with strings attached” and might end up bolstering neither indigenous human rights movements nor human rights protection.117 A prominent Egyptian said resources and themes originating in the North for programs in the South reflected vertical power imbalances that define and constrain even human rights dis- courses.118 Aid “depends on personal relations and knowledge of complex procedures within foreign funding agencies” rather than qualitative cri- teria, agreed a well-respected Yemeni intellectual.119 The bottom line, wrote another conferee, was that the most common form of corruption “is when organizations design projects in line with donor priorities.”120" + +page range: 190 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 32 + +# More criticism of donor-civil society relation (Comment) + +Quote in TWT article on the power relationship, agenda setting and the need to study donors as institutions + +page range: 190 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 33 + +# Professional NGOs not movements + +"If anything, the definition of civil society as formal NGOs partic- ipating in ceremonial networks discounted the possibility of grassroots collective action; intensive highly professionalized data collection, political//intelligence, and codification schemes yielded few clues to community mobilization. + +page range: 193 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 34 + +# Brief description of the global democracy bureaucracy + +"The global democracy bureaucracy is a collection of think tanks where highly educated professionals produce specialized knowledge. They are able to devote their full-time energies to research and/or advocacy. Those stationed long-term in North Africa and the Middle East thought about these issues, one way or the other. Not everyone will agree with my analysis, of course. Some will feel that I have been unduly considerate of loathsome dictatorships; others might say I have white-washed the political-aid industry. Anyone with experience would be able to offer additional or counter-examples to those cited here. Nonetheless, few will//quarrel with the basic argument that civil society promotion is inherently and intensely political, and many have pointed to its paradoxes." + +page range: 197 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 35 + +# Summary: the two contradictory regimes of governmentality and the twofold denationalization + +"The story of civil society aid and the pushback against it was full of contradictions manifested in litigious, bitterly contested disputes. Drawing on the testimony of direct participants, I have depicted these as skirmishes between national and global regimes of governmentality, each seeking to channel civic energies into manageable parameters. In the name of anti- imperialism and self-determination, autocratic governments nationalized and regulated all forms of public activism. Conventional inter-governmental development assistance aimed at improving the governance capacity of state institutions often enhanced central administration and control. In the same way, some rule-of-law programs, elections projects, and support for national women’s organizations or GONGOs served the interests of national security establishments. The projects that most persistently enraged corrupt officials were those that circumvented their patronage channels and bureaucratic oversight. Metaphorically, non-governmental pathways dena- tionalized some forms of professional activism, including the production of political information, by placing them outside state budgets. Whereas some analysts saw in state capacity-building the potential for political aid to abet the upgrading of authoritarianism, others observed a reverse effect in the pushback – the continual re-regulation, re-registration, subversion, and co-optation of civic activities in response to donor initiatives. Then, the more transnational donor networks pressed, the more dictatorial regimes over-reacted, and the more activists took their projects offshore. This was the second dimension of denationalization. Professional human rights, women’s, and NGO networks proliferated, meeting periodically in extra- territorial spaces physically owned and operated by multinational hotel chains. Recognizing a consensual rather than coercive domain, many scholars and participants found there a different sort of governmentality with its own discursive rules and licensing restrictions. When UNDP and other agencies fixed on establishing a “knowledge society” in the Arab world, they were referring to very particular epistemological and professional practices." + +page range: 197 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 36 + +# The fundamental paradox: Empowerment and Domination are both part of PA + +"In each subfield, contradictions surfaced between the transformative potential of political aid operating in conjunction with international regimes and the ways in which democracy promotion could simply per- petuate Western domination. Activists, professionals, practitioners, and engaged social scientists (overlapping categories, to be sure) told me this, over and over." 207 + +"These circumstances speak to the paradoxes. The social science litera- ture has given us two main theories about the purposes and effects of political aid. One posits the positive diffusion effects of transnational regimes that work to establish norms and practices concerning law, elec- tions, and the protections and participation of women and associational life, and it cites the roles of multilateral initiatives, normative actors, and professional expertise in facilitating political liberalization. The other sit- uates these discourses and institutional arrangement in the overall context of asymmetric North-South or core-periphery exchanges and neo-liberal globalization, finding instead of democratization a way of deepening and intensifying Western hegemony. Examples, testimonials and some coun- terfactual evidence presented here variously supported both of these anti- thetical theories, each of which is persuasive in its own right but both of which tend inadequately to distinguish intentions from outcomes. First- hand accounts also point to a third possibility, that ‘target audiences’ make creative use of resources within the parameters of constraints." 200 + +page range: 200 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 37 + +# the banal or ordinary competition or low politics … + +On competition and politics: I like her observation or find it intriguing at least, that the influx of resources naturally leads to conflict and competition. She highlights the “banality” of it (Carapico 2014: 200?) and labels it “low politics” (ibd.?). For the gender area: “In practice, of course, material, symbolic, and administra- tive capital did not help half the population, but only some individuals or agencies designated to ‘represent women.’ This in turn spawned ordinary political competition over positions, podiums, and power.“ (Carapico 2014: 205) + +Generally: +"By definition political aid interjects external symbolic, material, and institutional resources into national (and, in the Middle East, pan-Arab) arenas. If all politics involves competition over scarce resources, then political aid naturally stimulates controversy and rivalries. Inevitably resources flow to selected organizations, agents, and causes, but not others. Donors’ provision of expertise, technology, publicity, or funds to executive, judicial, legislative, or civic institutions affects the balance of power between and within those bodies. Even if the idea is that interna- tional agencies are supporting ‘transitions to democracy’ or ‘women’s empowerment,’ projects entail complex forms of cooperation and conflict. Practitioners and participants, including many cited here, realize the banal- ities of interagency and office politics on a commonplace level. This is ‘low’ politics." 199 + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 38 + +# Orientalist elements of gender reform + +"Therefore, two kinds of evidence were presented. First, I quoted an abrasive pattern of lectures and quizzes on religio-cultural oppression given to people coping with dire military and economic distress. In witty asides, the occasional heckle, and plenty of thoughtful analysis, women outside the empowerment industry called into question its stock significa- tions of autonomy, voting, gender quotas, Shari’a, public comportment, safety, Women’s Day, ‘sexist stereotypes,’ and Western superiority. In these exchanges, outsiders consistently scoffed at the consciousness of Muslims; equally, locals ridiculed foreign hubris and naiveté. The impli- cation was that an emphasis on changing mindsets too guilelessly under- estimates the hard constraints of firepower and poverty." + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 39 + +# Orientalist elements of gender reform (Comment) + +This reminds me of the conversation with Nader who rejected the Western stereotypes and lectures about gender + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 40 + +# Empowerment as a discourse + +"Empowerment was not only a discourse" 205 +I wonder what she means with discourse here. It is worth asking whether the empowerment discourse (beyond female empowerment btw) is one element of a development discourse + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 41 + +# relation ideas and institutional practices + +Like Krause, Carapico distinguishes an idea (or norm?) from the practices: +"The evidence supports and qualifies this proposition. That is, central executive authorities (if not courts and legislatures) were more likely to embrace the rhetorical and institutional practices of gender representation than those of either elections monitoring or NGO regimes. The Beijing apparatus appears to be a strong example of multilateral constructivism, outside the U.S. orbit. It is grounded in ideas but realized through institu- tional practices. This way of looking at things shed light on how concep- tually quite different definitions of ‘regimes’ – regimes of truth, mechanisms of transnational governmentality, national dictatorships – can be mutually constitutive." + +page range: 206 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 42 + +# Tensions of civil society promotion + +"Even more than in other sectors, the dialectic between nationalized and dena- tionalized activism manifestly played out in theoretical debates and every- day contests over right-of-way, resources, and ideological hegemony. Its permutations and contradictions were profound. That means we need to be wary of any explanatory framework that over-determines causality: neither Western imperialism nor Arab authoritarianism nor other modes of repression or ‘governmentality’ are as unmovable as they may seem. +The relatively elite strata of professional civic activists working in Arab countries often found English-language parlances about ‘promoting’ something called ‘democratization’ rarified and disjointed. ‘Promotion’ after all can refer to advertising campaigns. Catchphrases, project clusters, and institutional formats fixated on some issues to the exclusion of others, women and men complained. Amidst so much attention to elections and ‘culture change,’ neither ballot-driven ‘regime change’ nor ‘transitions in power’ were on UN, U.S. or EU agendas. In the aggregate, neo-liberal entrepreneurial freedoms were more popular with donors than were labor rights. Women bristled at obsessions with sexual rather than national self- determination and the privileging of gender over class solidarity. Only in the Muslim world, some observed, was ‘secularism’ considered a prereq- uisite for democratization." + +page range: 207 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 43 + +# Western blindspots and irrelevant foci in civil society promotion + +"Thus the null set of concerns – themes and phrases that barely registered in English-language word-counts – included social justice, military rule, working conditions, existing social contracts, popular safety nets, regular power transitions, police brutality, and national sovereignty. Yet these issues – not ‘democracy’ by name – were the slogans and concepts that mobilized millions to take to the streets in 2011. All along, in Anglophone and UN ‘donor-speak,’ transcriptions of Arab ‘deficits’ in democracy and women’s rights were chalked up to socio-cultural sediments variously labeled patriarchal, traditional, tribal, sectarian, or Islamic. Armed forces’//abuses (amply documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and dozens of regional watch-dogs) were not given much attention in democracy brokers’ reports on problems facing women or NGOs. Indeed, in the rhetoric of transitions to democracy, strangely, the word ‘civilian’ or word combination ‘civilian rule’ rarely, if ever, appeared. Religion, ‘sharia,’ and secularism were mentioned frequently, especially in documents about gender. Militarism and the securitization of gover- nance, by comparison, were not presented as a serious obstacle to realiza- tion of justice, representation, female participation, or freedom." + +page range: 208 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 44 + +# A managerial vie of civil society, not a revolutionary one + +"Nor, even in the field of civil society advancement, was the prospect of mass popular uprisings against police brutality part of the democratization template presented to the Arab world in late 2010. Panelists pointed out that ‘civil society’ referred to effete think tanks rather than popular organ- izations. The donor construct of civil society never included anti-war protests of the sort that spilled into Arab streets during the American-led invasion of Iraq and Israeli bombardments of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. Consulting reports did not refer to marches, demonstrations or out-of-doors collective mobilization as instances of civic engagement: in the ‘transitions to democracy’ narrative it is as if they never happened. The discourses and institutional practices of civil society promotion seemed, instead, to foreclose prospects for contentious challenges to despotism. Project conceptualizations put ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ in the hands of office-bound professionals fulfilling log-frames laid out in fund- ing proposals featuring three-year ‘strategic’ plans. Civil society was oper- ationalized in terms of hierarchical organizations and tactical planning, not spontaneously or vertically mobilized multitudes. As Tawakkul Karman told the United Nations General Assembly on November 1, 2011, the ‘international community’ insisted in describing events in Yemen as a ‘crisis,’ not a ‘revolution.’ What Tunisians, Egyptians, and Yemenis called ‘thawra’ (revolution) outsiders choose to dub ‘the Arab Spring.’" + +page range: 208 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 45 + +# A managerial vie of civil society, not a revolutionary one (Comment) + +Actually, at first sight, this might be an explanation for the principle struggle that Nahnoo is fighting: doing advocacy, mobilizing but at the same time functioning as a profesisonal organisation. +At a second glance, though, I doubt Nahnoo's potential to actually mobilize for (big?) protests. +the question would be: have they already lost their appeal? or have they never had one for mass mobilisation? The donors however see them as ppl able to mobilize. What is their weird role in the BaladiCAP programme? > taming advocacy.... + +page range: 208 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 46 + +# Appropriation of the revolutions by managers of transition + +"This point registered squarely among Cairo’s engaged intelligentsia when ‘revolutionary tourists’ – not only Middle East scholars enthused by the radical turn of events but transitologists and specialists in ‘democ- ratization’ with little familiarity with the region who flocked to Egypt to ‘see Tahrir Square’ first-hand and ‘help’ Egyptian democrats – reframed events as ‘transitions to democracy’ in need of expert consultation. The influx of foreigners was a matter of consternation to Egyptian intellectuals who were asked to facilitate their visits. Now, many of the donor- sponsored sessions I attended in the spring of 2011 featured well-informed//comparative insights from South Africa, Chile, the Ukraine, and around the globe. Still, the supply of expert transitologists who flew into Cairo after February 11, when Mubarak relinquished power, exceeded demand for their advice on how to manage a transition. Egyptian political party organizers I talked to were not familiar with Gene Sharp and few were interested in IRI’s free training modules on how to run an American-style political campaign. Activists in Cairo, Sana’a, and other capitals in upheaval were talking about revolution, not transition. Also, contrary to the Anglophone narrative, popular slogans in Arabic did not vocalize demands for ‘democracy’ so much as regime change, social justice, popular self-determination, constraints on police brutality, and decent standards of living. So, even naming the uprisings a ‘pro-democracy’ movement was a kind of appropriation by managers of transitions. The fact that a certain discourse was hegemonic in English did not make it so in Arabic. +This was amply clear to those living ‘in the region.’ In practice, donor projects endorsing judicial and democratic reform were political and para- doxical on global, regional, national, and grassroots levels. Only oblivious or disingenuous advisors or counterparts working in Egypt, Iraq, Yemen, Algeria, Palestine, or any Arab territory pretended otherwise. Project staff, consultants, and grantees continually confronted competing significations, regulations, and interests – even in quite mundane day-to-day circum- stances. Yet circumstances were not normally mundane before, during, or after the turn of the millennium in the Middle East. Instead, political aid projects were inevitably entangled with international and domestic power alignments, and sometimes radical readjustments. These imbroglios in turn shaped how messages about political transitions, justice, and empow- erment were transmitted, received, operationalized, and re-purposed by various agents and actors. It is one thing to frame a meta-narrative about transitions from authoritarianism in English, or diagram outcomes in a project proposal. It is something else to engineer institutions and practices inside complex societies to match the model, or even to convince commit- ted change agents that international democracy brokers know best." + +page range: 208 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 47}, title = {Political aid and Arab activism}, pages = {xii, 250}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, @@ -88,21 +590,25 @@ @Book{ @Book{, author = {Cavatorta, Francesco and Durac, Vincent}, - comment = {# Their description of civil society + comment = {# Their description of civil society -"Civil society activism in Lebanon has the standard feature of being largely divided between a social sector and a more political one. thus there are a significant number of service-provision associations and groups. (...) The more politicized sector is also active and significantly more outspoken than anywhere else in the Arab world. There are a number of large and well-functioning civil society groups working on democratization and human rights issues. When it comes to this sector, there are two strong trends. The first is related to the prevalence of sectarianism in Lebanese society. Given that the most significant feature of the Lebanese political and social system is indeed its sectarianism, it is not a surprise that civil society activism reflects this sectarian divide. Many organizations, even those engaged in human rights and democracy issues, often subscribe to the political agenda of one particular sect, although not necessarily formally so. [NO REFERNECE! ABSOLUTELY NO REFERENCE!] There is however a second trend that has been growing for a number of years which realtes to the work of associations attempting to build what can be termed a nationalist Lebanese activist sector.Driven by the belief that domestic conflicts and international interference are the product of weak Lebanese nationalism and sense//of belonging to a Lebanese state, a number of organizations have recently emerged attempting to overcome sectarian barriers. THis entails working for the promotion of genuine democratic accountability, which would see the progressive replacement of the sectarian political system with one based on individual representation. Following the same logic, a number of organizations have emerged with the objectives of reducing sectarianism enshrined in legislation and building bridges through post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. (Safa, 2007)" +"Civil society activism in Lebanon has the standard feature of being largely divided between a social sector and a more political one. thus there are a significant number of service-provision associations and groups. (...) The more politicized sector is also active and significantly more outspoken than anywhere else in the Arab world. There are a number of large and well-functioning civil society groups working on democratization and human rights issues. When it comes to this sector, there are two strong trends. The first is related to the prevalence of sectarianism in Lebanese society. Given that the most significant feature of the Lebanese political and social system is indeed its sectarianism, it is not a surprise that civil society activism reflects this sectarian divide. Many organizations, even those engaged in human rights and democracy issues, often subscribe to the political agenda of one particular sect, although not necessarily formally so. [NO REFERNECE! ABSOLUTELY NO REFERENCE!] There is however a second trend that has been growing for a number of years which realtes to the work of associations attempting to build what can be termed a nationalist Lebanese activist sector.Driven by the belief that domestic conflicts and international interference are the product of weak Lebanese nationalism and sense//of belonging to a Lebanese state, a number of organizations have recently emerged attempting to overcome sectarian barriers. THis entails working for the promotion of genuine democratic accountability, which would see the progressive replacement of the sectarian political system with one based on individual representation. Following the same logic, a number of organizations have emerged with the objectives of reducing sectarianism enshrined in legislation and building bridges through post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. (Safa, 2007)" As "representative" of this development, they describe in detail LADE Lebanese Association for HUman Rights (LAHR) or ALDHOM? is the second example. I have no clue who they are, they don't seem to be in the picture anymore? They have a facebook page with 21 likes https://www.facebook.com/Lebanese-Association-for-Human-Rights-284544538248613/ There's a beautiful description of the triple-orientation of intermediaries/leaders/people in that field: politicians - civil society - international community. 125 I just doN't know why LAHR shoudl have more problems with political class then LADE. Because they are more staunchly anti-sectarian? -AMEL is the next organisation. They also mention and describe at length an organisation called MIRSAD. Then they summarize and move on to the René Mouawad Foundation. +AMEL is the next organisation. They also mention and describe at length an organisation called MIRSAD. Then they summarize and move on to the René Mouawad Foundation. About RMF they amongst other things say that in order to do their lobbying for children's educational rights for example, they have to mobilize their contacts to decision makers which inevitably are in the Maronite community. which "reinforces rather than weakens sectarian divisions." 129 on page 130 they move on to a committee working on disappeared, and a "Center" but guiven that pages 131-132 are missing from google books, I can't tell which one... -133 "Palestinian civil society", Palestinian Association for HUman Rights +133 "Palestinian civil society", Palestinian Association for HUman Rights p. 135 compares the situation to other Arab countries, coming to the conclusion that a "fully-fledged dictatorship" is impossible because of "the necessity for compromise between the sects in order to manage the country" 135, and that also the space for civil society is larger; then this sectarian logic of power finds its reflection in citizen's orientation and in also in the networks of power that civil society can mobilize for their lobbying. 135 Also, it invites external actors, "In this game, the Lebanese sects also use external patrons in order to gain domestic advantages. This has considerable repercussions on how civil society is structured and the issues dealt with, leading to divisions and difficulties of coordination." -page range: 123}, +page range: 123 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Civil society and democratization in the Arab world}, pages = {XIII, 172 S.}, publisher = {Routledge}, @@ -121,7 +627,42 @@ @Book{ "what ideas, concepts, discourses, symbols, sites of debate, and cultural 'stuff' may 'matter' in this situation" 88 > "the symbolic and discursive meanings of elements in situational maps" 89, e.g." some research materials" as example 88 But I mean, her map 3.1 on p. 88 is TINY!!!! -}, +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0 + +# the features of PM-GT + +on page 33 she contrasts old GT with Postmodern GT in a table. Pretty much all the attributes she lists here for PMGT fit with my research project. + +page range: 32 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 1 + +# The use/standng of situational analysis + +- opening up data 83 +- providing an entrance point and a way of entering +- analytic exercise 83 +- it's about finding relations 84 +-84/85 memos are the most important thing +- focus on silences, the "thousand-pound gorillas (..) sitting around in our situations of concern that nobody has bothered to mention yet. Why not?" 85 +- maps for "big picture"news" 85 +- answer the questions: "Where in the world is this project? Why is it important? What is going on in this situation?" 85 > But doesnt that mix academic and field discourse? +- Three types of maps: +1) situational map - "STRATEGISES for articulating the elements in the situation and examining relations among them" +2) social worlds/arenas maps as cartographies of collective commitments, relations, and sites of action +3) Positional maps as simplification strategies for plotting positions articulated and not articulated in discourses" 86 +Plus: 4) traditional GT map = codes and categories; 5) project map (?) 86 +2) + +page range: 83 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 2}, title = {Situational analysis}, pages = {xli, 365}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, @@ -259,7 +800,151 @@ @Book{ Hilhorst, Dorothea (2002): „Being Good at Doing Good? Quality and Ac- countability of Humanitarian NGOs“, in: Disasters 26, S. 193-212. -}, +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0 + +# Money, morals, and the market + +Can I call a chapter: money, morals, and the market + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 1 + +# Ihre Fragestellung + +"Die Fragestellung, die die Untersuchung leitet, ist primär eine empiri- sche: Wie funktionieren Flüchtlingslager konkret, als komplexe soziale Ein- heiten mit heterogenen Akteuren, die jeweils ihre eigenen Perspektiven, In- teressen und Ressourcen einbringen? Wie ist die politische Ordnung von Flüchtlingslagern gestaltet?1 Welche Charakteristika hat also die Institution, in der Flüchtlinge nach ihrer Flucht untergebracht und verwaltet werden und wo sie weiterleben?" + +page range: 15 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Ihre Fragestellung (Comment) + +Wieso darf sie das? Wieso darf sie eine empirische Frage stellen und wenn ich sage: I want to know what they do, dann ist das nicht ausreichend?! +> Vielleicht muss ich das einfach mal klarer schreiben? + +page range: 15 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 3 + +# Doppelte Einbindung der Lager-Organisationsteile + +"Die Organisationsgliederungen im Lager sind damit doppelt organisatorisch eingebunden, einmal innerhalb des Flüchtlingslagers zusammen mit anderen Organisationen, einmal innerhalb der eigenen Mutterorganisation." + +page range: 16 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# Doppelte Einbindung der Lager-Organisationsteile (Comment) + +I like this idea. To point out: SfCG Lebanon is embedded in SfCG global, but at the same time horizontally (? that is not a good term here...say: on the same scale? on the ground? In the country?) they are also part of a network/social construct/whatever. So here you have a second element of double orientation. + +page range: 16 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 5 + +# Double Orientation: Werte und Organisationsinteresse + +"In Flüchtlingslagern sind typischerweise eine ganze Reihe humanitärer und administrativer Organisationen tätig. Sie alle sind durch die institutionali- sierten Werte des internationalen Flüchtlingsregimes geprägt, die einen ge- meinsamen Bezugspunkt ihrer Arbeit bilden. Gleichzeitig besteht innerhalb jeder der Organisationen auch die Norm, Organisationsinteressen zu verfol- gen. Die Mehrzahl der Organisationen im Flüchtlingslager sind NGOs." + +page range: 119 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 6 + +# Definition NGO (nach Neubert) + +"Der im Folgenden zugrundegelegte Begriff der NGO ist an Dieter Neu- bert orientiert und beinhaltet die Organisationen, die er als Nichtregierungs- organisationen „im engeren Sinne“ (Neubert 2003: 259) bezeichnet. Dies sind Organisationen, die weder staatlich noch profitorientiert und deren Ak- tivitäten auf Nicht-Mitglieder als Nutznießer bezogen sind. Die Aktivitäten können aus anwaltlicher Tätigkeit oder aus Dienstleistungen bestehen. Nach Neubert haben diese NGOs einen doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschluss. Sie sind mit der Gesellschaft einerseits über ihre Ressourcengewinnung, an- dererseits über ihre klientenbezogenen Tätigkeiten, also ihr Wirkungsfeld, verbunden (vgl. Neubert 2003: 258-260; 2001: 54-56)." + +page range: 119 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 7 + +# Double Orientation No. II: beneficiary (refugees) and customer (donor) + +"Zum Dritten schließlich verweist der Aspekt des doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschlusses auf ein folgenreiches Merkmal von NGOs im Vergleich zu vielen anderen Dienst- leistungsorganisationen: Die Klientel, auf die sich die Arbeit von NGOs richtet, überschneidet sich nicht mit den Akteuren, von denen die Ressour- cen eingeworben werden. Damit gilt für NGOs: „they separate clients (ser- vice recipients) and customers (sources of funds)“ (Gronbjerg 1992: 74).4 In der täglichen Hilfsarbeit im Flüchtlingslager sind die Flüchtlinge das Ge- genüber der NGOs. Rechenschaftspflichtig sind die Organisationen dagegen ihren Geldgebern. Ihnen gegenüber müssen die NGOs ihre Arbeit legitimie- ren, wenn sie Ressourcen von ihnen bekommen und den Geldfluss aufrecht- erhalten wollen. Für dieses Ziel spielt es nur bedingt und mittelbar eine Rol- le, inwieweit eine NGO auch bei ihrer Klientel, den Flüchtlingen, Legitimi- tät genießt. Antonio Donini spricht allgemein von einer „top-down accoun- tability“ (Donini 1996: 98), der das Finanzierungssystem von NGOs Vor- schub leistet. + +page range: 120 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 8 + +# Double Orientation No. II: beneficiary (refugees) and customer (donor) (Comment) + +She speaks of "clients" here (following Grojberg 1992) as the beneficiaries. However, the police general for example would call the donors "clients"... + +page range: 120 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 9 + +# Spannung zwischen Norm der Partnerschaftlichkeit und organisationalem Eigeninteresse-Förder-Zwang + +"Die hier anklingende „Partnerschaftlichkeit“ stellt in der Welt der huma- nitären Arbeit ein hoch bewertetes Prinzip dar (vgl. Raper 2003: 355). Gleichzeitig stehen Hilfsorganisationen zueinander in Konkurrenz- und Ab- hängigkeitsstrukturen, und von den Mitarbeitern wird erwartet, die jeweils eigenen Organisationsinteressen zu verfolgen (vgl. Hilhorst 2002). Das Per- sonal der Hilfsorganisationen, die in einem Flüchtlingslager zusammenar- beiten, steht damit vor ambivalenten Anforderungen.5 Die Spannung zwi- schen Normen der Partnerschaftlichkeit und solchen der Verfolgung von Eigeninteressen prägt die Praktiken und Strategien des Lageralltags, die wiederum auf die ambivalente Normenstruktur zurückwirken können." + +page range: 120 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 10 + +# zur Gruppe der Expats + +es scheint nur 14 Expats zu geben insgesamt in den in ihrer Forschung beobachteten Lagern. Sie schreibt ca. 0,5 Seiten über deren Motivation, Hintergründe etc. + +page range: 123 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 11 + +# comparison motivation expats and Zambian staff + +"Für viele der sambischen Mitarbeiter sind die Motive für ihre Arbeit im Flüchtlingslager anders ge- wichtet als bei den Expatriates. Während der Wunsch zu helfen durchaus eine Rolle spielt, ist für die Einheimischen die Tätigkeit bei den NGOs auch, und manchmal vor allem, ein Arbeitsplatz, der dem Lebensunterhalt dient. Ein großer Teil des sambischen Personals hat Familienangehörige zu ver- sorgen, und sowohl unter finanziellen Aspekten wie unter solchen des Re- nommees sind NGOs – zumal internationale NGOs – attraktive Arbeitgeber." +> I wonder. Isn't this a JOB, a way of earning your living (and not a bad one btw...) also for expats?  +> If she hasnt heard that from expats, maybe it's because of the Thematisierungsregeln?  + +page range: 124 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 12 + +# These locals want allowances....they do it for the money.... + +"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier." + +page range: 124 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 13 + +# Moralität erstreckt sich auch auf Einzlene, durchgehender Diskurs + +"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier." (Inhetveen 2014:124) +macht mich darauf aufmerksam, dass dieser Dikurs: "die wollen nur business machen" nicht nur zwischen NGOs (über andere ) geführt wird, sondern ja auch in Bezug auf Einzelne. Es geht ja eigentlich ganz oft darum, gerade auf Seiten der Geldgeber und Expats, zu verhindern/anzuprangern, dass hier versucht wird Geld zu machen. > Sammle mal Beispiele dafür! + +page range: 124 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 14}, title = {Die politische Ordnung des Flüchtlingslagers}, pages = {1 online resource (444 S.)}, publisher = {Transcript}, @@ -292,7 +977,6 @@ @Article{ @Book{, author = {Krause, Monika}, - comment = {# Krause's reception of economic research on non-profits - she takes this market idea seriously and follows through with what it means analytically @@ -303,10 +987,298 @@ @Book{ - NGOs are not neutral conduits of anything - following Hansmann (1980) relief NGOs are described as donnative and non-mutual, meaning that its income stems from donations (not business?) and that it is not primarily members that benefit (other than in a club) 46-47 - A market in which the buyer is not the consumer (charity etc.): "The market may reflect preferences of buyers more accurately than the preferences of the end consumers." 47 Her examples here are a landlord hiring an exterminator or employer providing health insurance and negotiating the contract. But in the field of charity, there is no legal framework!!!! super important realisation. 47 -Plus: donor does not only decide about the goods but also selects the consumer. (I'd however say this is - with a different sequencing also true for the landlord or the employer.) +Plus: donor does not only decide about the goods but also selects the consumer. (I'd however say this is - with a different sequencing also true for the landlord or the employer.) - "What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47 -}, +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0 + +# UNDP and Nahnoo fit the same grid + +Political science or at least IR would place UNDP as an international organisation and Nahnoo as a Lebanese NGO on different ends of a spectrum. The one is global and international, the other one is local and national. +> IR is really reproducing the distinctionary categories that order reality and reinforces them maybe even beyond their relevance in practice +They could however also be seen as organisations that are both non-profit (in theory), function as implementers (to a certain degree), and donnative and non-mutual (Krause 2014: 46) + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 1 + +# The relation of beneficiary and organisation and project + +She says that the benfeciaries or populations in need cannot be divided from the organisation doing the project, nor from the project itself. +"A specified target population is an impirtant part of the definition of a project." 50 +And populations in need do labor (51) +"Beneficiariesare rarely simply benefiting ina passive way. They cooperate with and contribute to the project.in various ways. In what follows I ana- lyze this cooperation to show .thatifthe project is produced and sold, beneficiaries are not just part of that product but also labor for it." 51 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 2 + +# the assesment + +while different in so far as the people whose needs are assessed are a) professionals and b) not the victims of a catastrophe, the assessment that Rohan and Christelle had done can well be compared to the way assessments are described here by Krause 52-53 +Interesting points.: +- assessments already require people's cooperation and concretely: labor before anything is delivered +- There is no guarantee that assessments are followed up by actual projects and there might be several assessments in parallel or repetaedly by different sectors and agencies. > there is already a name for the resulting phenomenon "Assessment Fatigue" 53, and it has been problematised in practice and reports +- assessments can take on a life of their own (whatever exactly this means) 52 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 3 + +# Chapter 6: comparison and mixing of human rights and humanitarianism + +Chapter 6 is extremely interesting to me because of two aspects: first, it compares human rights practices and the field of organisations/its history to that of humanitarianian assistance. Second, she opens up the basic distinction between ideas – practices – organisations. + +Her argument goes: there is basically two camps of scholars, those that say HR&humanitarianism go together or not. and then comes her qualification: ""Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations. +I have argued that the practices that could be claimed to be humanitarian practices are diverse and are not confined to specific: organizations or actors. Similarly, the practices that could be claimed to be human rights practices are not confined to human rights organizations. Practices by local social movement actors, and state officials, for example, are or could be claimed as human rights practices according to one definition or another.' " p.150 + +Another interesting aspect is that she frames both HR and HUM as "a way of relating to distant suffering" 148 (doesn't she quote COOKE on it elsewhere?) - I think that is a very interesting way of seeing it. I would also see development and DP as forms of relating to distant societies/orders that one wants to maintain influence on. +In the first paragraph she even enunciates development, 'conflict resolution' and 'peace building' as readings: +"Humanitarianism is not the only discourse that plays a role in framing how Western audiences read social problems in faraway places. 'Development' has been an important concept since the end of colonialism, but it has lost some of its power, partly because of the rise of humanitarian relief." 147 + +The parts where she describes practices and also how HR has become integrated/appropriated in HUM are very interesting because it provides many relevant points of comaprison. + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 4 + +# What is being consumed by donors are not … + +"What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47 + +page range: 47 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5 + +# Double function of project + +Double function of project: funds raised for a project but project done to raise funds + +page range: 47 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 6 + +# contradiction between values/norms and market structure + +When reading about MSF and how their different funding structure "frees them to some extent from the pressure to develop an instrumental attitude toward beneficiaries." 49, I am reminded of how much praise they get. Everyone likes them, and they are used as the standard good example counter the rest. But that also reminds me of the fact that all of this is problematized by those in the field, isn't it? Everyone says its a market. But at the same time, those who actually embrace this market logic are scolded (bad NGO, supermarket NGO, they just want to get the next project) and those who don't do it are praised, turn into heroes (self-description with pride; MSF) + +page range: 49 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 7 + +# training as a form of project + +"Some projects are delivered in the form o.ftraining. This is especially prevalentinthe human rights field and in developmentwo.rkbut also.has its place in humanitarian relief. Hygiene projects, fer example, usually require people totake part in educationalmeetings, where they learn abouthewto.uselatrines safely,hewto.usewatersafely,andhowto.mini- mize the risk of the spread of disease. The point here is net to.imply any criticism ofthesetypes ofintervention,as someonewritingJro.m a liber- tarian or Foucauldian perspective ;might. I am sure behavio.rmo.dificatio.n can have impo.rtant ro.lesto. play-Ljust want to..note fer the mo.ment that they invo.lvetime also.en behalfof.beneficiaries. +(...) +In cases wherethe wo.rkco.uld be do.ne by ethers, which is true fo.rlatrine buHdingbutno.t fer hygiene training, the participatio.n o.fbeneficiaries leeks mo.stlikewo.rkinother settings. +" + +page range: 55 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 8 + +# Krause explicitly distances herself from Foucauldian critique + +here, Krause explicitly distances herself from Foucauldian critique + +page range: 55 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 9 + +# Partner Agencies as beneficiaries + +"Second, the partner agencies are also.an important element of the product of relief; they teo. are marketed to. donors as-worthy beneficiaries that are being helped.."Capacity building" has become mere prominent since the 1990s,28and itis thro.ughthisterm that working with partners can be sold to.donors.as an added valueof a project, In.developmentaid, a related discourse of geed governance rums supporting o.therNGOs into. a possible resultofaidwo.rk." + +page range: 55 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 10 + +# Chapter four: The humanitarian field + +the whole chapter is about the divisions/differentiations between NGOs in the field. +She speaks of axes of differentiation in her mapping oft he field. The humanitarian authority is the field specific symbolic capital at the core, and there is different forms of „pollution“ from this purity. By proximity to states, to groups, or to religion. (Krause 2014: 113-120) +The major point then is that "[a]gencies develop their policy positions not only directly in response to practical dilemmas but from within a field" (122) > I would even add that they develop all their actions and thinking (not exclusively but also) from within this specific field. At the same time, though, such a separation of "practical dillemmas" and field might obscure that also an assessment of what the practical dilemmas are is not neutral, it's not independent of these other aspects but dialectically related. + +page range: 123 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 11 + +# Humanitarian Capital/Authority + +Humanitarian Capital/Authority +- intially a combination of "the authority of the duffering produced by war with the authority of the states responsible for that suffering, and the authority of the medical profession." 124 +- somehwhat changed by the entrance of MSF in 1971 (but I have not understood how exactly it changed the humanitarian authority?) though deregulation > contestation, various positions posisble, even though MSf wanted to make it more pure again. + +page range: 124 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 12 + +# Chapter 5: The reform of humanitarianism + +Krause looks at two major reform projects in the field of humanitarian aid since the 90s, Sphere and HAP. +She considers these as "forms of self-observation and reflexivity" 126, and adds that there is a certain irony (or so) to the fact that here humanitarianism, which is in itself a kind of reform project/movement, or at least a component of many major societal reform projects, now turns onto itself, reforming itself 138 +There is an interesting statement on/critque of critique in this field as ritualistic on p. 127, taken from Alex de Waal (1997) Famine Crimes p. xvi +Her basic argument is that also these reform processes are "mediated by the focus of agencies on producing projects and by the symbolic divisions among actors in the field" 128. So in other words, every attempt to reform is filtered/funneled through the managerial practices (or logic of practice) and the structures of the field. The reform attempts "have become incorporated into the logic of the humanitarian field" [I am sceptical about this latter point because I am not sure that it is the field-specific logics that have given the reform its shape. Isn't it this whole idea of managerialism that is more decisive? And isn't it telling that Sphere itself is a PROJECT?] +Once it has been adopted into practice, Sphere basically introduces "a standard for the products of relief; in some tension with the intentions of the project [of Sphere itself], it begins to work in analogy to a technical, and not a professional standard." 128 +HAP on the other hand suffered more from the problem that the beneficiaries don't simply take on the role that they are expected to take on in complaining etc. This means you first have to train or "socialize" them into how to criticise, or "into a specific role". 142 She does not quite address the fact that beneficiaries (imho rightly so) complain about larger politcal issues and constellations. [So in a way it is a conflict between: please complain but do it on a managerial level. And ppl complaining politically. She actually has so far not used the term depoliticise!] +She draws the conclusion [I don't know how she got there....] that HAP does not empower beneficiaries as consumers but rather functions like a voluntary fair-trade standard in which the beneficiaries are akin to laborers, and donors as consumers are "discipline[d]" 142-144, quote 144. +There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of porfessions and the field. 135-138 + +page range: 126 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 13 + +# On professionalisation + +There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of professions and the field. + +- The benefit of Professionalisation in humanitarian relief is contested 135-136 +- She references Stichweh and Abbott on professionalisation and fields; and mainly Barnett on professionalisation in humanitarian field. 135 +- Sphere has been considered a professional standard "But it is important to remember that these classical professions precisely resist the standardization of output. In the classical professions, standardization is in tension with professional autonomy." 136 > she reads the debates and practices in medicine as one where professionalism is somehow in the person (rather than in a standard for output/product); alternatively, it is a standard for conduct - but in any case not one for the product 136 - in medicine, this standardization of products can even be seen as deprofessionalization 136 +In terms of field: the humanitarian field is not identical with one profession (other than the field of law) 137 - [but I feel her account is somewhat unclear because on different occasions, she seems to nearly equate it with medicine. in any case, medicine seems to represent the core? 137] +there is something about the sacred and profane (137) + +page range: 135 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 14 + +# ACCOUNTABILITY RUNS UPWARD + +from her book, one can get the impression that the notion that accountability runs upward is rather common sense. The quote is only one example: +"Agencies participating in this intiative [HAP] are ready to accept the criticism that agencies tend to cater to the preferences of those with resources, or as they would put it, they are 'more accountable to donors rather than beneficiaries,' (...) + +page range: 140 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 15 + +# Ways of reading social problems in faraway places + +""Humanitarianism is not the only discourse that plays a role in framing how Western audiences read social problems [and their fixes!] in faraway places. 'Development' has been an important concept since the end of colonialism, but it has lost some of its power, partly because of the rise of humanitarian relief." 147 + +page range: 147 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 16 + +# Practices as diverse and ideas as indeterminate + +"Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations. +I have argued that the practices that could be claimed to be humanitarian practices are diverse and are not confined to specific: organizations or actors. Similarly, the practices that could be claimed to be human rights practices are not confined to human rights organizations. Practices by local social movement actors, and state officials, for example, are or could be claimed as human rights practices according to one definition or another.' " + +page range: 150 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 17 + +# Practices vary on several dimensions + +She has a chart on p. 151 that opens up 11 distinctions that cut across humanitarian or human rights. These "axes of variation" are independent of each other. +short-term vs long-term goals +short-term vs. long-term funding +short-term needs vs. long-term needs +local/within national borders/across national borders/within the borders of an empire +respect vs. partonizing attitude +state-sponsored vs. not state-sponsored +volunteers vs. full-time paid staff +self-organized vs. on behalf of others +managerial concerns vs. grassroots struggles +targeting groups/trageting issues/targeting individuals +political rights/economic and social rights/no rights [I'd add gender rights for my relevant fields] + +page range: 151 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 18 + +# Practices vary on several dimensions (Comment) + +I find this chart very interesting but am also quite surprised that she suddenly pulls this out of her hat. No references come with it, and it is not used much in the follwoing pages. Even though if she is serious, it would be a very interesting tool for analysing the field, no? +Also, these categories seem to mirror what I have been writing in the memo 11.5.17 - I there collected alternative categories of differentiation (or axes of variation if you want to call them that way) that are relevant for my field (compared to the state-political, group-political, and religious pollution she has found). They might be of a more discoursive type. (Or is that a question of perspective only?) + +page range: 151 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 19 + +# The field of HR organisations + +Practices diverse but hierarchy in power to shape definition: "There is a set of organizations that under- stand themselves as humanitarian organizations and see humanitarian organizations as their peers, and a set of organizations that understand themselves as human rights organizations and see human rights orga- nizations as their peers. I focus here on what Alex de Waa\} has termed +secondary-as opposed to primary-human nghts.organlzations," The practices in the field of human rights organizations are only a subset of all human rights practices-but the organizations that strive to be part of the global field of human rights organizations have been influential in the way the concept of human rights is imagined inthe international arena." In its shared routines and practices, the organizations that form part of the field of human rights select from the range of meanings that the concept of human rights might have in terms of action." 152 + +History of the field; also here a boom in the 1980/90s, Dezalay and Garth as main reference +consolidation of the field in a specific way, related to actors and linking to certain practices: +"It is important to note that the most prominent specialized human rights organizations interpretthe concept of human rights in a specific way. As partofits consblidationas a field, human rights has taken a legal turn, a development that does not bynecessity follow from the ideas handed down as human.rtghts, for example, in the antislavery move- ment." Human rights organizations ofthis type callforvery specificprac- tices. Human rights organizations focus on collecting evidence in specific ways, and on writing reports. They engage in advocacy work, conduct campaigns, and educate people about rights. As Alex deWaalhas pointed out, these organizations combine a focus on research, documentation, and publication with the skilled use ofthemedia and lobbying of politt- dans to maketheir concerns known. The basic premise ofthese activities is thatif people or the public know about an abuse, theywill be movedto wanttostopit\}6 CliffordBobidentifiestheproductinwhatheanalyzesas "the marketforhumanrights" as "information."!?" +> These practices are very similar to the ones I saw in Nahnoo! + +She provides me – thanks good with the argument that some see HR as part of DP p. 154 + +page range: 151 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 20 + +# Blurring of distinctions - difficulty of drawing them + +Together with the subsequent chapter, i feel,"The field of HR organizations" shows the blurring of practices and lines. She also quotes one reading of HR as aiming for DP (154, drawing on NICHOLAS GUILHOT). And states that HR has been incorporated into development aid. + +page range: 152 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 21 + +# Trägheit der Praxis + +I think the examples and analyses in her book repeatedly point us to the inertia of practices. +One case: +"Relief workers incorporate the concept [of human rights] in ways that fit with what they have already been doing; in its different meanings, it is mediated by practcies of project managment, and by the practices of symbolic contestation." 167 +But I'd say it's similar for the logframe, and the reform projects Sphere and HAP; she even somewhere else spoke of old wine in new bottles and how we'd still have to analyse these new bottles as the institutions matter (p.63) +Yet, I have in some instances the impresison that she does not take this inertia seriously enough. She seems to prefer explanations that contain more agency then the boring "we just do what we have always done"... + +page range: 167 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 22 + +# the typical process: new things become incoporated + +"Human rights becomes an accessory to the production of projects (...) + +page range: 167 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 23}, title = {The good project}, pages = {xi, 220}, publisher = {University of Chicago Press}, @@ -324,13 +1296,15 @@ @Article{ @Article{, author = {Merry, Sally}, - comment = {# article shows how … + comment = {# article shows how … article shows how 1) indicators produce knowledge and therefore social reality (ex: British created caset-system as a fixed hierarchy in India) 85 2) to govern: to make decisions 85 -}, +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Measuring the World}, pages = {S83--S95}, volume = {52}, @@ -357,7 +1331,135 @@ @Article{ "Der „Profi" am Flugsimulator, der auch nachts mit seiner Maschine ohne Schramme enge Täler durchfliegt, hat sehr subtile Hypothesen über die Welt dort draußen, ohne je etwas anderes gesehen zu haben als seine Instrumente und deren Zeigers." -page range: 198}, +page range: 198 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Fragestellung finden ist Zwischen-ergebnis + +"Hat man einmal die Frage gefunden, auf welche die Untersuchung eine Antwort erbringen soll, hat manschon viel gewonnen, weiß man doch jetzt, welcher Aspekt der Daten einen interessiert." + +page range: 199 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Theory and empirics + +"Klärt man diese Fragen nicht vor einer Analyse, dann bleibt sie blind und beliebig. DaßDatenvonsich ausetwaserzählen,daßausihnenohne Zutun geistiger Anspannungvonselbst etwaserwüchse, daßTheorien sich Schritt für Schritt aus Daten verdichten lassen, das ist eine Vorstellung, die genauso liebenswert und weltfremd ist wie die Vorstellung von der Existenz des Grals. Typisieren heißt immer, sich den Daten in einer bestimmten alltäglichen und wissenschaftlichen Einstellung nähern und - das ist wichtig - sich über den Prozeß der Annäherung reflexiv zu vergewissern." + +page range: 199 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Typen zur Vermessung und Darstellung des Feldes + +" Aufgrund der hermeneutischen Auslegung dieser Daten entlang den Prämissen einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich Typen konstruieren, welche mir bei der Vermessung und Darstellung des Feldes behilflich sind." + +page range: 199 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 3 + +# Kurzbeschreibung wissenssoziologische Hermeneutik + +""Auf die Gmndiagen der sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich hier nicht eingehen. Nur soviel: ähnlich wie die objektive Hermeneutik analysiert sie am liebsten natürliche Daten, favorisiert sie die Sequenzanalyse und möchte die objektiveBedeutungvonErscheinungenermitteln-.allerdings verzichtetsieauf weitreichende strukturtheoretischen Annahmen. Außerungen von Personen werden stets als Handlungen betrachtet und diese immer als Reaktionen auf vorangegangenesHandeln und die antizipierteBedeutungder eigenen Handlung. Und sie weisen besondere Merkmale auf. Läßt sich eine wiederkehrende Besonderheit in Aufbau und Vollzug von Handlungen ausmachen, hat man die typische Besonderheit oder die Falltypik." + +page range: 199 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 4 + +# Fragestellung Ergebnis des Prozesses + +"Nun will ich nicht behaupten, diese Fragen seien schon bei der Konzeption meines Forschungsprojektes in dieser Form klar gewesen. Dies zu behaupten hieße, die Forschungspraxis völlig zu ignorieren. Zu Beginn stand nicht eine klar umrissene Frage, sondern eher eine diffuse Fragerich- tung nach dem Detektionsprozeß von Kriminalpolizisten im Vergleich zu Sozialwissenschaftlern. Die Datenerhebung und die allererste Sichtung der Daten beeinflußte nicht nur tiefsitzende Hintergrundtheorien und emotional eingefärbte Einstellungen, sondern auch die Fragen, die an das +// +Material gestellt wurden. Aber erst nachdem die Fragen klar waren - und allein darauf zielen meine Bemerkungen - ließ sich das Material systema- tisch auswerten, was nichts anderes heißt, als daß durch die Systematisie- rung die Analyse darstellbar und kririsierbar geworden ist." + +page range: 200 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 5 + +# Beschreibung Forschungsablauf + +"Zum methodischen Vorgehen kurz folgendes: Aus zehn verschrifteten Interviews, die während einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung mit Kriminal- beamten einer Großstadt geführt wurden, wurden willkürlich vier ausge- wählt.DiesevierwurdenineinemSchnelldurchlaufdanachdurchgesehen, o b sich die Beamten explizit zum Umgang mit dem Wissen um typisches Verhalten geäußert haben. Diese Teile wurden dann herausgegriffen und extensiv sequenzanalytisch interpretiert. Am Ende der Interpretation stand dann die Verdichtung zu einem Typus. Dieser Typus wurde dann benannt mit einer für diesen Typus kennzeichnenden Außerung in der Sprache des Falles. Um Mißverständnissen vorzubeugen: dieser Typus entspricht nicht notwendigerweise der gesamten Falltypik. Um diese zu bestimmen, müßten weitere Textstellen ausgedeutet und miteinander verdichtet werden. Der hier von mir ermittelte Typus kann mit der Falltypikidentischsein,mußesabernicht. DieermitteltenTypensinderst einmal allein Arbeitsmittel zu heuristischen Zwecken. Im übrigen versteht es sich von selbst, daß ich nur Ergebnisse darstellen werde, nicht den Prozeß, der zu diesen Ergebnissen führte." + +page range: 200 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 6 + +# Ohne Fragehorizont läuft nichts! + +"Man kann nun versuchen, diese vier Typen miteinander zu vergleichen, d. h. nach Gemeinsamen und Trennungenzusuchen. Auch hier ist wichtig. daß ohne einen Fragehorizont gar nichts läuft." + +page range: 201 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 7 + +# Verwechselt er nicht Selbstdarstellung mit Praxis? + +Reichertz hat 4 Typen rekonstruiert, von denen jeweils zwei einer gemeinsamen Logik folgen: die erste Gruppe geht davon aus, dass altes, bestehendes Wissen ihnen die Identifikation ermöglihct, während die zweite Gruppe eher auf die Kontingenz und die Nötigkeit der Neugenerierung und Anpassung von existierenden Typen, also bestehendem Wissen setzt. "WerseineSchweineamGangerkennt,vertrautaufseinvorhandenes Wissen, nutzt dieses als Vermessungsinstrument und ordnet alles Beob- achtete mit Hilfe seines Wissens ein. Mit „feeling und Einsatz" findet man dagegen nicht nur das bereits Bekannte, sondern schafft sich für das Neue +neue Typen, welche sich in der Zukunft bewähren können." 202 +> Ich frage mich allerdings ob nicht in der Praxis alle in etwa dasselbe machen, eine Mischung aus beidem. (Ist natürlich eine empirische Frage.) Allerdings würde ich auf Basis der bloßen Selbstdarstellungen im Interview und der Diskussion untereinander erst einmal nur davon ausgehen, dass es verschieden Arten gibt, Polizeiarbeit zu denken und einen guten Polizisten zu geben. + +> Allerdings ist Reichertz ja weder Anfänger noch ein Idiot, und insofern führt er gleich ein Beispiel an wo Typus-gruppe 1 in Handeln umgesetzt wird: +"Die Betrachtung der Typisierungsleistungen der Kriminalbeamten zeigt, daßeszumindest zwei unterschiedliche Arten derTypisierunggibt: einmal +die Typisierung als Unterordnung einer Beobachtung unter einen bereits bekannten Typus, zum anderen die Typisierung als die (Re)Kortstruktion +eines noch nicht bekannten Typus aus den Daten der Beobachtung. (Ob +man letzteres Rekonstruktion nennt oder Konstruktion, hängt von dem +jeweils vorhandenen Erkenntnisoptimismus ab.) Unterordnung und (Re)Konstmktion sind zwei völlig verschiedene geistige Akte, was ein +weiteres Beispiel erläutern soll. +Zivilstreife im Auto durch ein Wohnviertel einer Großstadt: Drei Zigeu- nerinnen6,eine davon offensichtlich schwanger, werden beobachtet, wie sie von Haus zu Haus gehen und schellen. Verdacht auf Tagesraub. Unterstelltes zigeunertypisches Vorgehen: Bei den Leuten wird angeläu- tet mit der Bitte, ein Glas Wasser für die schwangere Frau zu erhalten. Bei der Versorgung der scheinbar Kranken wird gestohlen, was in Reichweite ist und wertvoll erscheint. Begleitet wird das Trio in der Regel von zwei// +Männern, die das Beutegut in Empfang nehmen und in einem in der Nähe abgestellten Fahrzeug deponieren sollen. Soweit die Typik! +Die Kriminalbeamten observieren nun die drei Zigeunerinnen, entdecken auch bald deren Helfero,werden jedoch auch entdeckt. Daraufhin versu- chen die Beamten, das Basisfahrzeug zu finden, um Beute sicherzustellen und zugleicheine Straftat nachweisenzu können. Sie fahren die Gegendab und suchen nach dem typischen Zigeunerfahrzeug - einem großen Mercedes mit Anhängerkupplung, älteres Modell, metallic, sehr breit, sehr wuchtig, vermutliches Kennzeichen von H.-Stadt (Stadt in der Nähe mit hohem Zigeuneranteil). Ein Wagen mit dem passenden Nmmernschild wird gefunden, auch alle anderen Merkmale stimmen. Aber: Am Heck- fenster befinden sich Aufkleber. Diese künden von der letzten Rallye auf dem Nürburgring und von der Auffassung, daß man gut und gerne auf Atomkraftwerke verzichten könne. Aufgrund dieser Aufkleber („Zigeu- ner haben an ihren Wagen nie solche Aufkleber!") unterlassen die Beamten sowohl eine Halterabfrage als auch eine eingehende Untersu- chung des Wagens. Sie fahren weiter, finden jedoch das Basisfahrzeug nicht. +Ich will hier nicht behaupten, daß das gefundene Fahrzeug tatsächlich das Täterfahrzeug war, mir geht es allein um die Plausibilisierung der Unterscheidung zwischen Unterordnung und (Re)Konstruktion. Die Beamten verfügen über ein Wissen, wie sich bestimmte Zigeuner beim Tageseinbruchverhalten. (WohersiediesesWissenhabenundobesetwas mit der Wirklichkeit zu tun hat, steht hier nicht zur Debatte.) Dieses Verhalten ist an bestimmten Merkmalen erkennbar. Die Konstellation bestimmter Merkmale macht das Typische aus. Beobachtet man das V orhandensein einiger Merkmale, dann schließt man auch auf die Präsenz der übrigen. Und andersherum: sind einige beobachtete Merkmale nicht Teil des Typus, dann liegt ein anderer Typus vor. Die oben beschriebenen Beamten ordnen ihre Beobachtungen einem bereits bekannten Typus unter, sie (re)konstruieren keinen neuen. Anders wäre es gewesen, wenn sie an der Gültigkeit ihres Wissens gezweifelt hätten. Dann hätten sie möglicherweise gedankenexperimentell einen Tätertypus entworfen, der um die Ermittlungspraxisder Polizei weiß und aufgrund dieses Wissens mit minimalem Aufwand eine gelungene Tarnhandlung entwerfen kann. In diesem Falle wäre das unverdächtige Fahrzeug gerade wegen der untypi- schen Aufkleber näher untersucht worden." 202-203 + +Dies zeigt, dass im praktischen Handeln nur ein Typus verwendet wurde. Allerdings wissen wir noch nicht, (und genau das würde ich anzweifeln) tatsächlich die Beamten immer nur einen Typus verwenden. Oder ob nicht noch mehr Faktoren als die Überzeugungen der Beamten eine Rolle spielen. + +page range: 202 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 8 + +# Explanation of Abduction + +"Es lassen sich also zwei Formen des Typisierens bestimmen: +(1) Die Unterordnung des Beobachteten unter einen bereits bekannten Typus aufgmnd gemeinsamer Merkmale und +(2) die Erfindung einer neuen Regel, welche eine bestimmte Auswahl von Merkmalen zu einem neuen Typus zusammenbindet. +Beide Formen sind Teil des normalen, aber auch des wissenschaftlichen +Alltags. Beide wechseln sich ab und ergänzen einander. Stets werden +aktuelle Daten der Wahrnehmung (das sind natürlich auch die erhobenen Felddaten) daraufhin geprüft, ob ihre Merkmale mit den Merkmalen bereits bestehender Typen hinreichend übereinstimmen. Kommt das Angemessenheitsurteil zu einem positiven Ergebnis, wird mittels qualitativer Induktion zugeordnet. Kommt das Angemessenheitsurteil jedoch zu dem Ergebnis, daß keine der bisher bekannten Typen zu den wahrge- nommenen Merkmalen hinreichend paßt, dann ist die Abduktion gefragt. Die Abduktion greift nicht auf bereits vorhandene Typen zurück, um etwas Beobachtetes zu erklären, sie erschafft einen neuen Typus. Dabei ist der Schluß, bestimmte Merkmale zu einem neuen Typus zusammenzubin- den, äußerst waghalsig. Aber nicht nur das: zudem ist er durch keinen Algorithmus herbeizuführen, sondern er stellt sich eher unwillkürlich ein. Begleitet wird die Abduktion (aber auch die qualitative Induktion) von einem angenehmen Gefühl, das überzeugender ist als jede Wahrschein- lichkeitsrechnung. Leider irrt dieses gute Gefühl nur allzu oft. Abduktio- nen und in begrenztem Maße auch qualitative Induktionen sind geistige Akte, die nie allein kognitiv und rational fundiert sind. Sie gründen in Prozessen, die nicht rational begründ- und kritisierbar sind - das gilt natürlich nicht für deren Ergebnisse. Diese Prozesse sind noch nicht einmal vollständig darstellbar." + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 9 + +# Typisierung ist nicht Kategorisierung + +"VondieserFormderTypisierungistdasVerfahrenderKategorisiertrng trotz der manchmal fließenden Grenzen zu unterscheiden. Die Kategorisierunp geht// +von einer bereits bekannten Merkmalskombination aus und sucht diese in den Daten wiederzufinden, sie prägt das Material nach einem Vorbild. Hier wird bekannte Ordnung lediglich verallgemeinert. Die logische Form dieser Operation ist die Deduktion. Bei einer Typisierung steht die Entscheidung an, ob man sich einer bereits bestehenden Typik anschließt, bei der Kategorisierung hat man sich entschlossen, alles als Wiederkehr des Bewährten anzusehen. Die Grenzen zwischen diesen beiden Operationen sind deshalb oft fließend, weil Merkmals- kombinationen nicht von den Qualitäten der Daten erzwungen werden, sondern Ergebnis einer interessierten Zuwendung zu den Daten sind. Stimmen Merkmals- kombinationen überein, dann ist dies die Folge des mehr oder weniger bewußten Entschlusses, die Dinge so zu sehen, wie sie andere schon sahen." + +page range: 205 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 10}, title = {"Meine Schweine erkenne ich am Gang" : zur Typisierung typisierender Kriminalpolizisten}, pages = {194--207}, volume = {22}, @@ -486,7 +1588,7 @@ @Article{ @Article{, author = {Reichertz, Jo and Hitzler, Ronald and Schröer, Norbert}, - comment = {# Grundzüge der hermeneutischen Wissenssoziologie + comment = {# Grundzüge der hermeneutischen Wissenssoziologie 1) "In Gesellschaften bzw. durch deren Institutionen stehen den sozialen Akteuren relativ komplexe, teilweise hochkomplexe Wissensbest//ände zur verfügung. Dieses Wissen bezieht sich zum ersten auf die Welt im Ganzen, zum zweiten auf die Gesellschaft und deren Ordnung und zum dritten auch auf das Verständnis des Einzelnen, auf seine Bedeutung und auf sein Verhältnis zu anderen, zur Gesellschaft, und zur Welt 'im Ganzen'." 11-12 > "Dieses Wissen ist grdunsätzlich handlungsorientiert, d.h. es ident insbesondere dazu, gesellscjaftlich als relevant erachtete Handlungsprobleme und -möglichkeiten, Optionen und Obligationen, Chancen und Risiken zu identifizieren, (...)" 12 @@ -496,10 +1598,14 @@ @Article{ > Allerdings: auch wenn es diese EIngenwilligkeit gibt, "um sich zu entlasten" entfernen sich die Akteure meist nicht zu weit vom Skript 12; In vielen Fällen wird dieser "je idnividuelle Aushandllungsprozess" also gar nicht ohne Weiteres sichtbar > sie sprechen hier auch von einem "Typenrepertoire" 12 -3) in der individuellen Auslegung des "Typenrepertoires" findet sowohl "Bewahrung" als auch "Erneuerung" statt (wird "strukturell auf Dauer gestellt" 12) +3) in der individuellen Auslegung des "Typenrepertoires" findet sowohl "Bewahrung" als auch "Erneuerung" statt (wird "strukturell auf Dauer gestellt" 12) "Wirklichkeit wird, fundiert in selbstverständlichten Rekursen auf je Überkommenes, stets aufs Neue durch aufeinander bezogene Handlungen gesellschaftlich konstruiert. So betrachtet, rückt der Handlungsbegriff ins Zentrum des sozialwissenschaftlichen Interesses - ein Handlungsbegriff, der sich gleich zweifach auf den Akteur bezieht: Einmal versteht er ihn als selbstreflexives Subjekt, das in der alltäglichen Aneignung soziale Wissensbestände ausdeutet und sie prüft, sie differenziert oder zusammenfasst. ZUm anderen versteht er ihn als Adressaten von Wissensbeständen und darin eingelassenen Wertungen." -page range: 11}, +page range: 11 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Das Arbeitsfeld einer hermeneutischen Wissenssoziologie}, pages = {9--14}, } @@ -518,7 +1624,11 @@ @Article{ She also, in a differnet context, where an NGO had promised to help and act as a broker, pulled out and left behind a community that "had been put in a position where they coud expect someone else to stand up for them, instead of developing self-organiding collective capacity." 112 encountered that people's first question was: "what I would do for them" - so "her identity as a researcher was conflated with that of an external agent in a position to 'help'." 112 the third encounter she terms "encountering empowerment": a social movement that has been succesfful and is very willing to share their stories and educate her about their experiences 112-113 -page range: 111}, +page range: 111 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Encounters at the margins: situating the researcher under conditions of aid}, pages = {109--113}, } diff --git a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest3.bib b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest3.bib index e4d1bdc4b8b..1ad8e3c861c 100644 --- a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest3.bib +++ b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest3.bib @@ -40,7 +40,21 @@ @Article{ "Information literacy is a set of abilities requiring individuals to recognize when information is needed and have the ability to locate, evaluate, and use effectively the needed information." -page range: 2}, +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Computer literacy helps to achieve personal goals + +"Information technology skills enable an individual to use computers, software applications, databases, and other technologies to achieve a wide variety of academic, work-related, and personal goals. " + +page range: 5 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1}, keywords = {standards, information literacy}, year = {2008}, } @@ -72,9 +86,11 @@ @Book{ @Article{, author = {Bawden, David}, title = {Information and digital literacies}, - comment = {# Journal of Documentation + comment = {# Journal of Documentation + +quotation type: Comment -}, +quotation index: 0}, pages = {218--259}, volume = {57}, abstract = {The concepts of `information literacy' and `digital literacy' are described, and reviewed, by way of a literature survey and analysis. Related concepts, including computer literacy, library literacy, network literacy, Internet literacy and hyper-literacy are also discussed, and their relationships elucidated. After a general introduction, the paper begins with the basic concept of `literacy', which is then expanded to include newer forms of literacy, more suitable for complex information environments. Some of these, for example library, media and computer literacies, are based largely on specific skills, but have some extension beyond them. They lead to general concepts, such as information literacy and digital literacy which are based on knowledge, perceptions and attitudes, though reliant on the simpler skills-based literacies.}, @@ -90,13 +106,15 @@ @Article{ @Article{, author = {Black, Richard}, - comment = {# The amount of available information is exploding: 1.2 million new articles/year + comment = {# The amount of available information is exploding: 1.2 million new articles/year "Ever since the Royal Society published the first issue of Philosophical Transactions in 1665 scientific publishing has concentrated on the printed word. As the knowledge base in science has grown so too has the number of journals. Over time an impressive industry dedicated to the dissemination of scientific research has grown up. Now there are over 2,000 publishers, publishing an estimated 1.2 million articles in around 20,000 different journal titles every year; and this is where the problems begin." -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {The Future of Published Science}, abstract = {Scientific publishing is undergoing a revolution. Scientists and policy makers, fed up with valuable research being locked away in expensive subscription only journals, are mounting a challenge to the publishers. They are launching their own competing journals and giving away the results for free. But not everyone is happy. In Publish or be Damned, Richard Black examines this dramatic change from both sides of the debate and assesses its likely consequences for science.}, keywords = {open access, publication rate}, @@ -253,7 +271,9 @@ @Article{ 3. Information Literacy 4. Communication Literacy” -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Emergent skills in higher education: from know-how to know-where, know-who, know-what, know-when and know-why}, year = {2002}, } @@ -264,7 +284,31 @@ @Article{ "Although the distinctions between IL and bibliographic instruction (BI) are not always clear or consistent, there does appear to be a general consensus that an important difference is that BI refers to instruction in traditional (i.e., print) library resources compared with IL, which […] is a more inclusive concept […] its focus is not restricted to the library." -page range: 197}, +page range: 197 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Information literacy is not restricted to library resources + +"[...] IL [...] is not restricted to library resources or holdings; it presupposes the acquisition of the technical skills needed to access digital information, and, crucially, it extends beyond the ability to locate information simply to include the ability to understand it, evaluate it, and use it appropriately." + +page range: 198 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Demand: library instruction should be woven into curriculum + +"Patricia Knapp was the first to articulate the position that the library is an integral and organic part of a college and that library instruction should not be offered as a discrete event, but rather should be woven into the general curriculum." + +page range: 198 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 2}, title = {A discipline-based approach to information literacy}, pages = {197--204}, volume = {28}, @@ -292,12 +336,15 @@ @Article{ author = {Harris, Robert}, comment = {# Criteria for assessing the trustworthiness of a source -"Credibility:trustworthy source, author’s credentials, evidence of quality control, known or respected authority, organizational support. Goal: an authoritative source, a source that supplies some good evidence that allows you to trust it. -Accuracy: up to date, factual, detailed, exact, comprehensive, audience and purpose reflect intentions of completeness and accuracy. Goal: a source that is correct today (not yesterday), a source that gives the whole truth. -Reasonableness:fair, balanced, objective, reasoned, no conflict of interest, absence of fallacies or slanted tone. Goal: a source that engages the subject thoughtfully and reasonably, concerned with the truth. +"Credibility:trustworthy source, author’s credentials, evidence of quality control, known or respected authority, organizational support. Goal: an authoritative source, a source that supplies some good evidence that allows you to trust it. +Accuracy: up to date, factual, detailed, exact, comprehensive, audience and purpose reflect intentions of completeness and accuracy. Goal: a source that is correct today (not yesterday), a source that gives the whole truth. +Reasonableness:fair, balanced, objective, reasoned, no conflict of interest, absence of fallacies or slanted tone. Goal: a source that engages the subject thoughtfully and reasonably, concerned with the truth. Support: listed sources, contact information, available corroboration, claims supported, documentation supplied. Goal: a source that provides convincing evidence for the claims made, a source you can triangulate (find at least two other sources that support it). " -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, + title = {Evaluating Internet Research Sources}, keywords = {CARS, information quality}, } @@ -355,7 +402,11 @@ @Article{ 4. uses information effectively to accomplish a specific purpose; 5. understands many of the economic, legal, and social issues surrounding the use of information and accesses and uses information ethically and legally." -page range: 337}, +page range: 337 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Information Literacy in Higher Education}, pages = {335--352}, volume = {28}, @@ -536,11 +587,13 @@ @Article{ } @Article{, - comment = {# Engaging students in digital literacy projects … + comment = {# Engaging students in digital literacy projects … Institutions are engaging students in digital literacy projects through a range of roles such as co-researchers, mentors, and technical support. The advantages are that students are generally more digitally confident and fluent than staff in the use of personal and social media. Although students need support in applying this digital know-how successfully to academic study, they are often more willing to explore the possibilities that technology can bring to their learning. -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Developing digital literacies}, editor = {Northumbria University}, pages = {27}, @@ -573,7 +626,7 @@ @Book{ @Article{, author = {Robertson, James}, - comment = {# Key principles of information management + comment = {# Key principles of information management "Ten key principles to ensure that information management activities are effective and successful: 1. recognise (and manage) complexity @@ -587,7 +640,11 @@ @Article{ 9. aim to deliver a seamless user experience 10. choose the first project very carefully." -page range: 2}, +page range: 2 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {10 principles of effective information management}, abstract = {This article has outlined ten key principles of effective information management. These focus on the organisational and cultural changes required to drive forward improvements. The also outline a pragmatic, step-by-step approach to implementing solutions that starts with addressing key needs and building support for further initiatives. A focus on adoption then ensures that staff actually use the solutions that are deployed.}, keywords = {information management}, @@ -623,11 +680,50 @@ @Book{ @Article{, author = {Senkbeil, Martin and Ihme, Jan and Wittwer, Jörg}, -comment = {# Not much empirical research examining the role of ICT literacy as a meta-competence + comment = {# Not much empirical research examining the role of ICT literacy as a meta-competence “ICT literacy is assumed to function as a meta-competence that helps people to acquire other important competencies and skills that are relevant in educational and work settings across the lifespan [...]. Since globalization processes require more flexibility and adaptability both at work and in society, the ability to acquire new knowledge and new skills in a self-regulated manner and with the help of information and communication technologies has become an important precondition for both finding new jobs and acting as responsible citizens [...]. Accordingly, deficits in ICT literacy are expected to lead to social disparities […]. However, there is not much empirical research examining the role of ICT literacy as a meta-competence and its effects on social disparities across the lifespan [...].” -page range: 141}, +page range: 141 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0 + +# Seven process components of ICT literacy + +The framework identifies seven process components of ICT literacy that represent the knowledge and skills needed for a problem-oriented use of modern ICT (ETS, 2002; Katz, 2007). The seven process components are defi ned as follows: +1) Define: basic knowledge of hardware components, operating systems, and relevant software applications (e.g., word processing, e-mail); +2) Access: knowledge of basic operations used to retrieve information (e.g., entering a search term in an internet browser, opening and saving a document); +3) Manage: the ability to fi nd information within a program (e.g., retrieving information from tables, processing the hits returned by a search engine); +4) Create: the ability to create and edit documents and files (e.g., setting up tables, creating formulas); +5) Integrate: the ability to retrieve information efficiently (e.g., entering appropriate search terms), to compare it in terms of specific criteria (e.g., sorting datasets), or to organize and structure information with the aid of software applications (e.g., presenting the information retrieved in a table); +6) Evaluate: the ability to assess information and to use it as the basis for informed decisions (e.g., assessing the credibility of the information retrieved); +7) Communicate: the ability to communicate information in appropriate and understandable form (e.g., writing e-mails, creating meaningful charts). + +page range: 142 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 1 + +# Assessment framework for ICT literacy + +page range: 144 + +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 2 + +# Assessment framework for ICT literacy (Comment) + +Is e-mail still relevant? What about social software? + +page range: 144 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 3}, title = {The Test of Technological and Information Literacy (TILT) in the National Educational Panel Study}, pages = {139--161}, volume = {5}, @@ -648,7 +744,9 @@ @Book{ author = {Sharpless Smith, Susan}, comment = {# Sharpless Smith 2010 - Web based Instruction -}, +quotation type: Image quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Web Based Instruction}, publisher = {American Library Association}, abstract = {Expanding on the popular, practical how-to guide for public, academic, school, and special libraries, technology expert Susan Sharpless Smith offers library instructors the confidence to take Web-based instruction into their own hands. Smith has thoroughly updated Web-Based Instruction: A Guide for Libraries to include new tools and trends, including current browsers, access methods, hardware, and software. She also supplies tips to secure project funding and provides strategic guidance for all types of libraries. This completely revised edition also * Builds Web instruction advice on a foundation of the latest research in how learning takes place * Translates technical Web-speak into plain English, so even nonexperts can make effective use of the Web in their teaching * Includes an accompanying Web gallery, providing examples of screen shots and links to exemplary programs * Shows instructors best practices for incorporating the Web into teaching A proven winner, this newly revised hands-on manual remains indispensable. Librarians facing the challenge of creating a Web-based instruction program will find easy-to-understand guidance to deliver a productive and memorable experience.}, @@ -686,11 +784,15 @@ @Book{ @Book{, author = {Staw, Jane}, - comment = {# The most elusive of writing blocks masquerades … + comment = {# The most elusive of writing blocks masquerades … “The most elusive of writing blocks masquerades as writing to deadline. We all know people who wait until the night before a term paper, a legal brief a business report is due to sit down and begin writing. If asked, most of these writers would claim, “I write best if I wait until the last minute." Most people who write to deadline don’t realize they are blocked-until they face a writing project that simply can’t be completed the night before it is due. For a long time l thought that journalism nurtured this adrenaline-filled, roller-coaster relationship with writing. After all, you can only write about news once it has broken. Then l became a member of a writing group that included a journalist who had moved from news to feature stories, and no matter what her topic or how far in advance she received the assignment, she continued to write to deadline. With disastrous results. Watching this woman panic about not being able to finish each piece that was due, l realized that my logic might have been backward. Newswriting doesn't necessarily nurture writing to deadline; instead, it might attract writers who are most comfortable waiting until the last possible minute.” -page range: 13}, +page range: 13 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, title = {Unstuck}, publisher = {St. Martin's Griffin}, abstract = {None of us is immune to writer's block. From well-known novelists to students, associates in business and law firms, and even those who struggle to sit down to write personal correspondence or journal entries -- everyone who writes has experienced either brief moments or longer periods when the words simply won't come. In Unstuck, poet, author and writing coach Jane Anne Staw uncovers the reasons we get blocked - from practical to emotional, and many in between - and offers powerful ways to get writing again. Based on her experiences working with writers as well as her own struggle with writer's block, Staw provides comfort and encouragement, along with effective strategies for working through this common yet vexing problem. Topics include: understanding what's behind the block * handling anxiety and fear * carving out time and space to write * clearing out old beliefs and doubts * techniques to relax and begin * managing your expectations as well as those of family and friends * experimenting with genre, voice, and subject matter * defusing the emotional traps that sabotage progress and success * ending the struggle and regaining confidence and freedom by finding your true voice - and using it. Writers of all levels will find solace, support, and help in this book, leading them to an even deeper connection with their work and more productivity on the page.}, @@ -877,6 +979,1083 @@ @Article{ @Article{, author = {Weber, Max}, + comment = {quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 0 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 1 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 2 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 3 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 4 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 5 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 6 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 7 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 8 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 9 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 10 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 11 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 12 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 13 + +quotation type: Highlight + 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Highlight + +quotation index: 223 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 224 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 225 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 226 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 227 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 228 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 229 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 230 + +quotation type: Highlight + +quotation index: 231 + +# Ohne Spezialisierung keine wissenschaftliche Leistung + +"Eine wirklich endgültige und tüchtige Leistung ist heute stets: eine spezialistische Leistung." + +page range: 5 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 232 + +# Kleiner interner Widerspruch? + +Weiter unten im Text (S. 8) heißt es, dass es "endgültige" Leistungen in der Wissenschaft gar nicht geben könne. + +page range: 5 + +quotation type: Comment + +quotation index: 233 + +# Der Zusammenhang von Leidenschaft, Arbeit, Eingebung, "Gabe" und Hingabe an die Sache bei der wissenschaftlichen Arbeit + +Nach Weber verlangt der "Beruf zur Wissenschaft" Leidenschaft und harte Arbeit als "Vorbedingung des Entscheidenden: der 'Eingebung'". Dazu gehören zwar auch persönliche Voraussetzungen wie eine (von Weber nicht näher beschriebene) "Gabe" (Begabung?); doch einen Kult der "Persönlichkeit" oder des "Erlebens" lehnt Weber strikt ab. Er fordert "Hingabe an die Sache", hinter die alles "Persönliche" zurücktreten muss. + +page range: 6 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 234 + +# Der Einfall ersetzt nicht die Arbeit … + +"Der Einfall ersetzt nicht die Arbeit. Und die Arbeit ihrerseits kann den Einfall nicht ersetzen oder erzwingen, so wenig wie die Leidenschaft es tut. Beide – vor allem: beide zusammen – locken ihn." + +page range: 6 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 235 + +# "Sache" und "Persönlichkeit" + +"'Persönlichkeit' auf wissenschaftlichem Gebiet hat nur der, der rein der Sache dient." + +page range: 7 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 236 + +# Fortschritt in Wissenschaft und Kunst + +"Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit ist eingespannt in den Ablauf des Fortschritts. Auf dem Gebiete der Kunst dagegen gibt es – in diesem Sinne – keinen Fortschritt." + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 237 + +# Wissenschaft veraltet + +"Jeder von uns dagegen in der Wissenschaft weiß, daß das, was er gearbeitet hat, in 10, 20, 50 Jahren veraltet ist. [...] Damit hat sich jeder abzufinden, der der Wissenschaft dienen will." + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 238 + +# Praktische und technische Zwecke der Wissenschaft + +"Warum betreibt man etwas, das in der Wirklichkeit nie zu Ende kommt und kommen kann? Nun zunächst: zu rein praktischen, im weiteren Wortsinn: technischen Zwecken" [Nach Weber, das zeigt der weitere Text, ist das aber nicht der einzige Zweck der Wiss.] + +page range: 8 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 239 + +# Wissenschaft als zentraler Teil des historischen Intellektualisierungsprozesses + +"Der wissenschaftliche Fortschritt ist ein Bruchteil, und zwar der wichtigste Bruchteil, jenes Intellektualisierungsprozesses, dem wir seit Jahrtausenden unterliegen" + +page range: 9 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 240 + +# Die zunehmende Intellektualisierung und Rationalisierung führt zur "Entzauberung der Welt" + +Nach Weber führt die "zunehmende Intellektualisierung und Rationalisierung" nicht dazu, dass der einzelne Mensch mehr oder Genaueres über seine konkreten Lebensbedingungen weiß, sondern nur dazu, dass er glaubt, prinzipiell alles darüber erfahren zu können. "Das aber bedeutet: die Entzauberung der Welt". + +page range: 9 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 241 + +# Die Frage nach dem Sinn wissenschaftlicher Arbeit + +"Hat der ‘Fortschritt’ als solcher einen erkennbaren, über das Technische hinausreichenden Sinn, so daß dadurch der Dienst an ihm ein sinnvoller Beruf würde?" + +page range: 10 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 242 + +# Illusionen über den Sinn der Wissenschaft + +Die Hoffnungen, Wissenschaft könne den Weg weisen zum "wahren Sein" (Antike), zur "wahren Kunst" und "wahren Natur" (Renaissance), zum "wahren Gott" (Protestantismus und frühe Naturwissenschaften) oder gar zum "wahren Glück", haben sich als Illusionen erwiesen. Nach Tolstoj ist Wissenschaft sinnlos, weil sie keine Antwort gibt auf die Fragen: "Was sollen wir tun? Wie sollen wir leben?" + +page range: 10 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 243 + +# Was kann Wissenschaft leisten? + +Sie kann nicht die Sinnfragen der Menschheit beantworten. Aber Weber ist sicher, dass sie dennoch Sinnvolles leistet. [Was das sein könnte, steht leider nicht mehr im vorliegenden Auszug, sondern erst auf den Seiten 19ff. des Originaltextes] + +page range: 13 + +quotation type: Indirect quotation + +quotation index: 244 + +# Voraussetzung wissenschaftlicher Arbeit ist etwas wissenschaftlich nicht Beweisbares: ihre Wichtigkeit + +"Vorausgesetzt ist bei jeder wissenschaftlichen Arbeit immer die Geltung der Regeln der Logik und Methodik [...]. Vorausgesetzt ist aber ferner: daß das, was bei wissenschaftlicher Arbeit herauskommt, wichtig im Sinn von 'wissenswert' sei. Und da stecken nun offenbar alle unsere Probleme darin. Denn diese Voraussetzung ist nicht wieder ihrerseits mit den Mitteln der Wissenschaft beweisbar. Sie läßt sich nur auf ihren letzten Sinn deuten, den man dann ablehnen oder annehmen muß, je nach der eigenen letzten Stellungnahme zum Leben." + +page range: 13 + +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 245 + +# Wissenschaft ist nicht per se sinnvoll + +Kein Naturwissenschaftler, Mediziner, Kunstwissenschaftler, Jurist, Historiker oder Kulturwissenschaftler kann mit den Mitteln seiner Wissenschaft beweisen, dass seine Arbeit sinnvoll ist. Alle setzen es als selbstverständlich voraus. Das ist es aber nach Weber "ganz und gar nicht". + +page range: 13 + +quotation type: Summary + +quotation index: 246}, title = {Wissenschaft als Beruf [1919]}, pages = {1--23}, } diff --git a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest4.bib b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest4.bib index c3b1ee48ce3..17287e0cd99 100644 --- a/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest4.bib +++ b/src/test/resources/org/jabref/logic/importer/fileformat/CitaviXmlImporterTest4.bib @@ -3,12 +3,14 @@ @article{ author = {Harris, Robert}, comment = {# Criteria for assessing the trustworthiness of a source -"Credibility:trustworthy source, author’s credentials, evidence of quality control, known or respected authority, organizational support. Goal: an authoritative source, a source that supplies some good evidence that allows you to trust it. -Accuracy: up to date, factual, detailed, exact, comprehensive, audience and purpose reflect intentions of completeness and accuracy. Goal: a source that is correct today (not yesterday), a source that gives the whole truth. -Reasonableness:fair, balanced, objective, reasoned, no conflict of interest, absence of fallacies or slanted tone. Goal: a source that engages the subject thoughtfully and reasonably, concerned with the truth. +"Credibility:trustworthy source, author’s credentials, evidence of quality control, known or respected authority, organizational support. Goal: an authoritative source, a source that supplies some good evidence that allows you to trust it. +Accuracy: up to date, factual, detailed, exact, comprehensive, audience and purpose reflect intentions of completeness and accuracy. Goal: a source that is correct today (not yesterday), a source that gives the whole truth. +Reasonableness:fair, balanced, objective, reasoned, no conflict of interest, absence of fallacies or slanted tone. Goal: a source that engages the subject thoughtfully and reasonably, concerned with the truth. Support: listed sources, contact information, available corroboration, claims supported, documentation supplied. Goal: a source that provides convincing evidence for the claims made, a source you can triangulate (find at least two other sources that support it). " -}, +quotation type: Direct quotation + +quotation index: 0}, keywords = {CARS, information quality}, title = {Evaluating Internet Research Sources}, }