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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-2"><strong>What are you voting for?:</strong><br><strong> A critical analysis of political party manifestos</strong></h3>
<h4 class="mbr-section-subtitle mbr-fonts-style mb-4 display-7"><p> Monday, 6 May 2024<br></p></h4>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><p><strong>tl;dr</strong></p></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">A big part of political party accountability towards voters is the manifestos they release before elections. In manifestos from previous elections, we noted the absence of a clearly articulated message or political charter of demands surrounding the use of digital technologies in India. Following from this learning, analysed the 2024 manifestos released by the Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”), Indian National Congress (“INC”), Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (“DMK”), Communist Party of India (Marxist) [“CPI(M)”], and Trinamool Congress (“TMC”) and identified all their digital rights and digital rights-adjacent electoral guarantees. In our analysis, we have noticed that each party has a different approach concerning technology and digital rights, with some emphasising privacy protection, others prioritising cybersecurity, and some lacking concrete proposals. This post aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of all technology-related electoral guarantees in the 2024 manifestos of these 5 parties and assess if these guarantees implicate digital rights and freedoms.<strong> </strong><br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Right to Privacy </strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">The issue of privacy has become increasingly significant in the digital age, prompting political parties to address it in their manifestos. The INC pledges to review and amend laws that encroach upon the right to privacy, demonstrating a commitment to upholding this fundamental right. They specifically mention a review of the Telecommunications Act, 2023 to remove provisions that infringe upon privacy rights. The CPI(M) promises protection against cyber-attacks and phishing, along with safeguarding privacy rights. They propose to introduce new legislation to create a justiciable framework for the Puttaswamy judgment and to establish an independent constitutional authority to oversee privacy violations by government and private entities. They also promise to roll back the “draconian provisions of the Telecommunication Act 2023 related to the… weakening of encrypted services, and KYC requirements of social media users”. The TMC emphasises safeguarding citizens from personal data breaches and undue surveillance. They propose a new “Digital Liberties Bill” to regulate the collection, storage, and use of personal data by government agencies, businesses, and other entities, highlighting a commitment to protecting digital rights.<br><br>In the realm of digital rights and their status as fundamental human rights, the manifestos of these major political parties in India present a shared perspective, except for the DMK. This absence of recognition across multiple parties indicates a disappointing consensus on this matter. The DMK distinguishes itself by acknowledging and committing to the landmark judgments in the case of Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) vs Union of India, where digital privacy was recognized as a fundamental right. In their manifesto, the DMK commits to amending the Digital Personal Data Protection Act (“DPDPA”), 2023 to explicitly include “digital rights as fundamental human rights”, aligning with the legal precedent set by the Puttaswamy case (read our initial analysis of the Act <a href="https://internetfreedom.in/iffs-first-read-of-the-draft-digital-personal-data-protection-bill-2023/" class="text-secondary">here</a>). While the majority of parties overlook the status of digital rights, the DMK's proactive stance signifies a departure from this trend. <br><br><br>Contrastingly, the BJP focuses on protection against cyber threats in their manifesto, aiming to provide cybersecurity products for small traders and MSMEs. However, they neither promise to amend existing laws that may violate privacy rights nor guarantee additional legal interventions to safeguard privacy. The BJP has outlined an ambitious goal in their manifesto to achieve 100% implementation of the "One Nation, One Student ID" initiative through the Automated Permanent Academic Account Registry (“APAAR”). However, as we delve deeper into the framework and implementation plan of APAAR for both public and private schools across India, several significant issues come to light. The concept of issuing a unique student ID to school-going children, linked to their Aadhaar numbers, raises concerns regarding data collection, usage, storage, and sharing. The proposed system aims to store permanent educational and extra-curricular records of students, which could have far-reaching implications for privacy and data protection. Particularly noteworthy is the absence of India's overarching data protection legislation, the DPDPA, 2023, which has yet to come into effect. Without the legal framework provided by the DPDPA, any collection, processing, storing, or sharing of student data during this time lacks proper legal safeguards. Moreover, Section 9(3) of the DPDPA explicitly prohibits "tracking or behavioural monitoring of children or targeted advertising directed at children" by entities. However, the absence of robust safeguards in the form of open APIs and channels of data sharing could potentially expose children's data to third parties who may exploit it for such purposes. This raises significant concerns about the potential misuse of student data and the need for stringent measures to protect their privacy and rights (read our analysis of the APAAR ID <a href="https://internetfreedom.in/aadhaar-based-student-id-raises-alarms-for-privacy/" class="text-secondary">here</a>).<br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Freedom of Speech</strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">The constant and worrying <a href="https://rsf.org/en/modi-ramps-online-censorship-india" class="text-secondary">threat</a> to the free flow of information online in recent times has contributed to increased momentum around discussions on freedom of speech. Below is our analysis of the different promises presented by political parties in this regard.<br>INC has pledged to enact legislation “to preserve the freedom of the Internet” and prevent arbitrary and frequent internet shutdowns. Additionally, they propose amendments to the Cinematograph Act, 1952, to promote transparent grading by the Central Board of Film Certification. They highlight the potential abuse of power facilitated by laws such as the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill of 2023 and the DPDPA, 2023, which grant expansive censorship powers to the government. They commit to withdrawing the Broadcasting Services Bill and amending or deleting restrictive provisions in other acts to eliminate backdoor censorship, emphasising the importance of protecting freedom of expression. They also advocate for revisiting the Telecommunications Act, 2023 to eliminate provisions curbing freedom of speech. Moreover, INC emphasises self-regulation within the media sphere to address misuse, with proposed amendments to the Press Council of India Act of 1978 to “strengthen the system of self-regulation, protect journalistic freedoms, uphold editorial independence and guard against government interference”. Furthermore, they aim to empower the Press Council to combat fake news and paid news. <br><br><br>DMK focuses on amending Section 124 of the Indian Penal Code to enhance freedom of speech by removing restrictive measures. Similarly, the CPI(M) promises steps to control the spread of fake news and act on those groups and individuals promoting fake news. They add that the 2021 amendments to the IT Rules will be withdrawn, the draft Registration of Press and Periodicals Bill, 2022 will be reviewed, and the draft Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill, 2023, replacing the Cable Television Networks (Regulation Act), will not be considered. They also guarantee to roll back the draconian IT Amendment Rules, 2023 which grants the government arbitrary censorship powers by providing for the establishment of a fact check unit, established at the sole discretion of the Union government, and aimed at fact checking online information related to the Union government (read our public brief on the IT Amendment Rules, 2023 <a href="https://internetfreedom.in/public-brief-it-amendment-rules-2023/" class="text-primary">here</a>). They advocate for a comprehensive review of criminal codes to eliminate undemocratic provisions and enhancement of police powers and to protect the right to dissent. They also stress strengthening the Right to Information Act, 2005 to foster transparent governance. On the other hand, the TMC emphasises the need for defined regulations to prevent unilateral internet shutdowns, without delving into broader legislative reforms. <br><br><br>Disappointingly, the BJP has not outlined specific measures regarding freedom of speech in their manifesto. It is evident that different parties propose different strategies to uphold freedom of speech and expression. While some advocate legislative amendments and self-regulation within the media, others focus on amending existing laws and promoting transparency in governance. However, the absence of concrete proposals from certain parties raises questions about their commitment to this fundamental democratic principle. Ultimately, a balanced approach that respects both freedom of expression and responsible governance is essential for a thriving democracy.<br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Inclusion and equality</strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">Technological inclusion and equity are pivotal for ensuring equal access and opportunities for all citizens. The BJP, in its manifesto, focuses on technological advancement through the expansion of 5G networks and the development of 6G technology. Additionally, they aim to strengthen social security systems through digitisation, making it easier for citizens to enroll in schemes and conduct seamless payments. They also prioritise providing comprehensive training to senior citizens in online payment methods while increasing awareness about online scams. These initiatives aim to bridge the digital divide and ensure inclusivity in accessing digital services. <br><br>The DMK emphasises the establishment of a National e-Governance Program to achieve complete computerised administration in all villages. They also pledge to provide free Wi-Fi services in all significant locations statewide, enhancing digital connectivity and access to information, particularly in rural areas. <br><br>The CPI(M) takes a different approach by proposing to repeal the Telecommunications Bill of 2023, aiming to reverse pro-private telecom policies to encourage telecom and internet penetration in rural and remote areas via the public sector. They advocate for strengthening public sector telecom companies by guaranteeing a level playing field and rapid roll-out of 4G and 5G services, ensuring the right to the internet, promoting free and open-source software (FOSS), and other new technologies. These measures aim to democratise access to telecommunications services and bridge the digital gap between urban and rural areas. <br><br>The TMC focuses on enhancing e-governance efforts in Bengal, aiming to pioneer greater digital citizen participation across governance services. They propose real-time information management systems and online feedback mechanisms to ensure transparency and accessibility of government programs and schemes to citizens. Disappointingly, the INC does not explicitly address inclusion and equity in technology in its manifesto.<br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Surveillance</strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">The issue of surveillance in the digital age has sparked significant debate and concern regarding individual privacy and civil liberties. The INC, in its manifesto, pledges to restrict government powers for the surveillance of journalists, seizure of their devices, and exposure of their sources to safeguard independent journalism. <br><br>The CPI(M) proposes comprehensive measures to prevent surveillance and snooping of individuals as well as the use of malware, hacking or other intrusive technologies such as Pegasus to gain control over citizens‟ phones, computers and other digital devices. They advocate for scrapping the mandatory use of Aadhaar for social welfare schemes, “regulating data-mining and IT-based surveillance so as to ensure public good”, and preventing digital surveillance by state agencies without explicit warrants and judicial supervision. They also aim to revoke the DPDPA, 2023 and roll back draconian provisions of the Telecommunications Act, 2023 related to surveillance, weakening of encrypted services, and KYC requirements of social media users. <br><br>The TMC prioritises the regulation of surveillance technologies to prevent misuse and spying on private citizens, media, or politicians, highlighting the need for new regulations to address these concerns. In contrast, the DMK remains silent on the issue of digital surveillance in their manifestos, neither mentioning changes to current regulations/laws nor outlining future plans in this regard.<br><br>The BJP proposes the introduction of the Police Modernisation Scheme to equip police forces with the latest technologies and provide necessary training. While modernising law enforcement can enhance efficiency and effectiveness in maintaining public safety, it can also lead to unconstitutional and illegal use of surveillance technology in public spaces. Technological advancements have expanded the scope of state policing (<a href="https://internetfreedom.in/the-status-of-cctv-policing-in-india-2023/" class="text-secondary">Link</a>), blurring the lines between permissible and non-permissible data collection practices. As such, it is crucial to establish clear boundaries and safeguards to protect individual privacy rights while ensuring public safety. In their manifesto, the BJP emphasises the importance of bolstering “Bharat's” digital sovereignty and pledges to take stringent action against digital entities that pose threats to the safety of Bharatiya on the internet. While the goal of enhancing digital sovereignty is creditable, it is essential to ensure that the implementation of this goal does not infringe upon the right to privacy and other aligned digital rights of individuals. The BJP’s conception of ‘Digital Nagriks’ of the ‘Digital India’ must not unfold at the cost of constitutionally guaranteed rights. India will only truly achieve digital sovereignty when Digital Nagriks are empowered with data transparency and ownership. <br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Conclusion</strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n">In our examination of these manifestos, we came across varying approaches adopted by parties to address the multifaceted landscape of digital rights. From the INC's commitment to reviewing and amending laws to safeguard privacy to the proactive stance of the DMK in acknowledging digital rights as fundamental human rights, each party presents a distinct perspective. The absence of concrete proposals from certain parties underscores the complexity of balancing privacy concerns with the demands of governance and security. Some parties identified the need for robust legislative frameworks, particularly in addressing digital privacy and surveillance, to protect individual rights and freedoms in an increasingly digitised society. Ultimately, the inclusion of the digital rights agenda in these prominent party manifestos indicates the urgent need to ensure the preservation of privacy rights alongside technological advancements and security measures in a thriving democracy.<br></p>
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<h3 class="mbr-section-title mbr-fonts-style mb-4 mt-0 display-5"><strong>Important documents</strong></h3>
<p class="mbr-text mbr-fonts-style display-4n"></p><ol><li>IFF’s seven-point agenda on digital rights (<a href="https://internetfreedom.in/digital-nagriks-demands-elections/" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>IFF’s election website #FreeAndFair (<a href="https://internetfreedom.in/freeandfair-launching-iffs-election-website/" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>BJP’s 2024 manifesto (<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1yo2BYuHjgDf9kbklDRzEFHLyMdPiskOK/view?usp=sharing" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>INC’s 2024 manifesto (<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ka-Spyv0TORBslZ4E1ohgWeL6yjY8hrd/view?usp=sharing" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>DMK’s 2024 manifesto (<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1K1YGc_g8ey3Mns5SSVemHn1qlyDU02ZZ/view?usp=sharing" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>CPIM’s 2024 manifesto (<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TVRGQEmulRopjwCckgvXpxPsRej40hSz/view?usp=sharing" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><li>TMC’s 2024 manifesto (<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1cCk8mPDKFPXLuRsmVN0hu7IbbPSR8gQE/view?usp=sharing" class="text-secondary">Link</a>)</li><br></ol><p></p>
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</section><section class="display-7" style="padding: 0;align-items: center;justify-content: center;flex-wrap: wrap; align-content: center;display: flex;position: relative;height: 4rem;"></section><script src="assets/bootstrap/js/bootstrap.bundle.min.js"></script><script src="assets/parallax/jarallax.js"></script> <script src="assets/smoothscroll/smooth-scroll.js"></script> <script src="assets/ytplayer/index.js"></script> <script src="assets/dropdown/js/navbar-dropdown.js"></script> <script src="assets/mbr-switch-arrow/mbr-switch-arrow.js"></script> <script src="assets/theme/js/script.js"></script>
<input name="animation" type="hidden">
</body>
</html>